Harper's New Monthly Magazine, No. IX.—February, 1851.—Vol. II.Various
General
Harper's New Monthly Magazine, No. IX.—February, 1851.—Vol. II.
Various
American literature -- Periodicals; Civilization -- Periodicals; Culture -- Periodicals
The scales have turned on the side of peace. The Gordian knot is to be
untied, if possible, not cut. The affairs of Germany are to be decided
by articles, not by artillery. The crisis seems to have been brought
about by a peremptory demand from Austria, that Prussia should evacuate
the Electorate of Hesse-Cassel within forty-eight hours, under the
alternative of a declaration of war. At the same time a dispatch arrived
from Lord Palmerston, hinting that in the event of war, the other powers
could not preserve their neutrality. Thus brought face to face with war,
both Austria and Prussia were frightened. A conference was proposed
between Prince Schwartzenberg and Baron Manteuffel, the Austrian and
Prussian Ministers. This took place at Olmutz, where articles of
agreement were speedily entered into. The essential point of the
agreement is, that all measures for the pacification of Germany shall be
taken jointly by Austria and Prussia. If the Elector of Hesse-Cassel can
not come to terms with his subjects, a Prussian and Austrian battalion
are to occupy the Electorate. Commissioners from the two powers are to
demand the cessation of hostilities in the Duchies, and to propose terms
to Denmark. The formation of a new German Constitution is to be
undertaken by a Conference, meeting at Dresden, Dec. 23, to which
invitations have been sent jointly by the two powers, who are to stand
in all respects on an equality. In the mean time both are to reduce
their armies, as speedily as possible, to the peace footing. This
agreement of the Ministers was ratified by the two sovereigns. In
Prussia the opposition in the Chambers was so vehement that the Ministry
dared not meet it, and adjourned that body for a month, till Jan. 3, the
longest period practicable, in the hope that by that time the issue of
the Dresden Conference might be such as to produce a favorable change.
In the mean time, opposition to the proposed measure has sprung up from
an unexpected quarter. Austria had hitherto acted in the name of the
Diet; she now coolly ignores the existence of that body, and proceeds to
parcel out all the power and responsibility between herself and Prussia.
The minor German States find themselves left entirely out of the
account. They remember the old habit of powerful states, to indemnify
themselves at the expense of the weaker ones, for any concessions they
have been forced to make to each other; and suspecting some secret
articles; or, at least, some understanding not publicly avowed, between
the two powers, they tremble for their own independence. The sense of a
common danger impels them to a close union, but they are destitute of a
rallying point. A portion of them, with Austria at their head, had
declared themselves the Diet; but if Austria, the constitutional
president, withdraws, the Diet can not have a legal existence. The
Dresden Conference, therefore, meets, with three parties, having
separate interests and fears: Austria, Prussia, and the minor
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