[Footnote 770: That it passed at all is often
considered proof of parliamentary servility; it is
rather an illustration of the typical Tudor policy
of burdening the wealthy few in order to spare the
general public. If repayment of the loan were
exacted, fresh taxation would be necessary, which
would fall on many more than had lent the King
money. It was very irregular, but the burden was
thus placed on the shoulders of those individuals
who benefited most by Henry's ecclesiastical and
general policy and were rapidly accumulating
wealth. Taxation on the whole was remarkably light
during Tudor times; the tenths, fifteenths and
subsidies had become fixed sums which did not
increase with the national wealth, and indeed
brought in less and less to the royal exchequer
(see _L. and P._, vii., 344, "considerations why
subsidies in diverse shires were not so good in
Henry's seventh year as in his fifth"; _cf._ vii.,
1490, and xix., ii., 689, where Paget says that
benevolences did not "grieve the common people").]
[Footnote 771: _L. and P._, iv., 6083.]
These reforms seem reasonable enough, but the idea of placing a bound
to the spiritual exaction of probate seemed sacrilege to Bishop
Fisher. "My lords," he cried, "you see daily what bills come hither
from the Common House, and all is to the destruction of the (p. 280)
Church. For God's sake, see what a realm the kingdom of Bohemia was;
and when the Church went down, then fell the glory of the kingdom. Now
with the Commons is nothing but 'Down with the Church!' And all this,
meseemeth, is for lack of faith only."[772] The Commons thought a
limitation of fees an insufficient ground for a charge of heresy, and
complained of Fisher to the King through the mouth of their Speaker.
The Bishop explained away the offensive phrase, but the spiritual
peers succeeded in rejecting the Commons' bills. The way out of the
deadlock was suggested by the King; he proposed a conference between
eight members of either House. The Lords' delegates were half
spiritual, half temporal, peers.[773] Henry knew well enough that the
Commons would vote solidly for the measures, and that the temporal
peers would support them. They did so; the bills were passed; and, on
17th December, Parliament was prorogued. We may call it a trick or
skilful parliamentary strategy; the same trick, played by the _Tiers
Etat_ in 1789, ensured the success of the French Revolution, and it
was equally effective in England in 1529.
[Footnote 772: Hall, _Chronicle_, p. 766.]
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