As Henry went on, his "quick and penetrable eyes," as More described
them, were more and more opened to the extent of what he could do; and
he realised, as he said, how small was the power of the Pope. Papal
authority had always depended on moral influence and not on material
resources. That moral influence had long been impaired; the sack of
Rome in 1527 afforded further demonstration of its impotence; and,
when Clement condoned that outrage, and formed a close alliance with
the chief offender, the Papacy suffered a blow from which it never
recovered. Temporal princes might continue to recognise the Pope's
authority, but it was only because they chose, and not because they
were compelled so to do; they supported him, not as the divinely
commissioned Vicar of Christ, but as a useful instrument in the
prosecution of their own and their people's desires. It is called a
theological age, but it was also irreligious, and its principal (p. 429)
feature was secularisation. National interests had already become the
dominant factor in European politics; they were no longer to be made
subservient to the behests of the universal Church. The change was
tacitly or explicitly recognised everywhere; and _cujus regio, ejus
religio_ was the principle upon which German ecclesiastical politics
were based at the Peace of Augsburg. It was assumed that each prince
could do what he liked in his own country; they might combine to make
war on an excommunicate king, but only if war suited their secular
policy; and the rivalry between Francis and Charles was so keen, that
each set greater store upon Henry's help than upon his destruction.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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