Herbert Hoover: The Man and His WorkKellogg, Vernon L. (Vernon Lyman)
History
Herbert Hoover: The Man and His Work
Kellogg, Vernon L. (Vernon Lyman)
Hoover, Herbert, 1874-1964; World War, 1914-1918 -- Food supply
For generations the American people have been steadily developing a
social philosophy as part of their own democracy, and in these ideals,
it differs from all other democracies. This philosophy has stood this
period of test in the fire of common sense; it is, in substance, that
there should be an equality of opportunity, an equal chance, to every
citizen. This view that every individual should, within his lifetime,
not be handicapped in securing that particular niche in the community to
which his abilities and character entitle him, is itself the negation of
class. Human beings are not equal in these qualities. But a society that
is based upon a constant flux of individuals in the community, upon the
basis of ability and character, is a moving virile mass; it is not a
stratification of classes. Its inspiration is individual initiative. Its
stimulus is competition. Its safeguard is education. Its greatest mentor
is free speech and voluntary organization for public good. Its
expression in legislation is the common sense and common will of the
majority. It is the essence of this democracy that progress of the mass
must arise from progress of the individual. It does not permit the
presence in the community of those who would not give full meed of their
service.
Its conception of the State is one that, representative of all the
citizens, will in the region of economic activities apply itself mainly
to the stimulation of knowledge, the undertaking only of works beyond
the initiative of the individual or group, the prevention of economic
domination of the few over the many, and the least entrance into
commerce that government functions necessitate.
The method and measures by which we solve this accumulation of great
problems will depend upon which of these three conceptions will reach
the ascendancy amongst our people.
If we cling to our national ideals it will mean the final isolation and
the political abandonment of the minor groups who hope for domination of
the government, either by "interests" or by radical social theories
through the control of our political machinery. I sometimes feel that
lawful radicalism in politics is less dangerous than reaction, for
radicalism is blatant and displays itself in the open. Unlawful
radicalism can be handled by the police. Reaction too often fools the
people through subtle channels of obstruction and progressive
platitudes. There is little danger of radicalism's ever controlling a
country with so large a farmer population, except in one contingency.
That contingency is from a reflex of continued attempt to control this
country by the "interests" and other forms of our domestic
reactionaries.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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