History and criticism of the labor theory of value in English political economyWhitaker, Albert C. (Albert Conser)
History
History and criticism of the labor theory of value in English political economy
Whitaker, Albert C. (Albert Conser)
Economics -- Great Britain -- History; Labor theory of value -- Great Britain -- History
(2) From _price equivalents_ to _market-price_. The price at which a
given supply of a certain good can be sold to a body of consumers is a
_resultant_ from their individual price equivalents for this good. It
is in no sense an average or mean of these price equivalents.[223] This
is best understood by imagining the supply of the good offered in the
market to be increased by one unit. This extra unit must be added to some
person’s stock. It will go normally to the person who will pay the most
for it, but the price of the unit will have to be lowered sufficiently
to bring it down to this person’s price equivalent for a unit. In the
open market, then, the prices of all units will have to be lowered to
the level of the price of this unit. This illustrates the way in which
the social demand price of a given supply of goods is determined at some
individual price equivalent. The price of a given supply is determined at
the point of a marginal individual price equivalent.
In the last section it was asserted that unless a good is possessed in a
plurality of units, that is, in a _stock_, by the individual consumer,
its value will not be determined by _marginal_ utility. The Austrian
writers have made this perfectly clear, but there are innumerable places
in the literature which has sprung up about the Austrian theory, either
expounding or criticizing it, where the value of such a good as a piano
or a furnace is said to depend on marginal utility. Let us suppose
that no person possesses more than one piano. In this case, properly
speaking there is nothing marginal about the value-determining utility
of a piano. There are, however, two methods in vogue of discovering an
alleged marginal utility in such a single unit commodity. The first is
to point out that a piano may serve several uses. For instance, it may
be used to produce music and also as an ornamental piece of furniture.
It is then suggested that one of these uses is greater or less than the
other and is marginal. Some suggest by implication or directly that it
is the least use to which a piano is put which determines its value to
the owner. If it should be suggested in reply that a piano might be used
to conceal a discolored place in the wall, which could equally well be
done by a two-dollar screen, the probable reply would be that it is
only the least use to which the piano can be put _economically_ which
determines its value. Even so acute a writer as Smart[224] is guilty of
this perversion. When it is in the pursuit of such margins, the mind is
far adrift from the true logic of the utility theory. When a piano is
actually used to cover a piece of wall, this is assuredly an “economic”
use of the article. This use does not exclude or hamper any of its other
uses. It is true no one would pay $600 for a piano merely to cover a bad
piece of wall, but very likely few would pay that sum for any one use of
the piano. The truth is, the value of a piano to its user depends upon
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