The slight and cursory manner in which Herodotus announces this
memorable revolution tends to make us overlook its real importance.
He dwells chiefly on the alteration in the number and names of the
tribes: Kleisthenês, he says, despised the Ionians so much, that he
would not tolerate the continuance in Attica of the four tribes which
prevailed in the Ionic cities,[245] deriving their names from the
four sons of Ion,—just as his grandfather, the Sikyonian Kleisthenês,
hating the Dorians, had degraded and nicknamed the three Dorian
tribes at Sikyôn. Such is the representation of Herodotus, who seems
himself to have entertained some contempt for the Ionians,[246]
and therefore to have suspected a similar feeling where it had no
real existence. But the scope of Kleisthenês was something far more
extensive: he abolished the four ancient tribes, not because they
were Ionic, but because they had become incommensurate with the
existing condition of the Attic people, and because such abolition
procured both for himself and for his political scheme new as well
as hearty allies. And indeed, if we study the circumstances of the
case, we shall see very obvious reasons to suggest the proceeding.
For more than thirty years—an entire generation—the old constitution
had been a mere empty formality, working only in subservience to the
reigning dynasty, and stripped of all real controlling power. We may
be very sure, therefore, that both the Senate of Four Hundred and
the popular assembly, divested of that free speech which imparted
to them not only all their value but all their charm, had come to
be of little public estimation, and were probably attended only
by a few partisans; and thus the difference between qualified
citizens and men not so qualified,—between members of the four old
tribes, and men not members,—became during this period practically
effaced. This, in fact, was the only species of good which a Grecian
despotism ever seems to have done: it confounded the privileged and
the non-privileged under one coercive authority common to both, so
that the distinction between the two was not easy to revive when the
despotism passed away. As soon as Hippias was expelled, the senate
and the public assembly regained their efficiency. But had they been
continued on the old footing, including none except members of the
four tribes, these tribes would have been reinvested with a privilege
which in reality they had so long lost, that its revival would have
seemed an odious novelty, and the remaining population would probably
not have submitted to it. If, in addition, we consider the political
excitement of the moment,—the restoration of one body of men from
exile, and the departure of another body into exile,—the outpouring
of long-suppressed hatred, partly against these very forms, by
the corruption of which the despot had reigned,—we shall see that
prudence as well as patriotism dictated the adoption of an enlarged
scheme of government.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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