Furthermore, it appears that the authority of Darius was not readily
acknowledged throughout the empire, and that an interval of confusion
ensued before it became so.[408] The Medes actually revolted, and
tried to maintain themselves by force against Darius, who however
found means to subdue them: though, when he convoked his troops from
the various provinces, he did not receive from the satraps universal
obedience. The powerful Orœtês, especially, who had been appointed
by Cyrus satrap of Lydia and Ionia, not only sent no troops to the
aid of Darius against the Medes,[409] but even took advantage of
the disturbed state of the government to put to death his private
enemy Mitrobatês satrap of Phrygia, and appropriate that satrapy
in addition to his own. Aryandês also, the satrap nominated by
Kambysês in Egypt, comported himself as the equal of Darius rather
than as his subject.[410] The subject provinces generally, to whom
Smerdis had granted remission of tribute and military service for
the space of three years, were grateful and attached to his memory,
and noway pleased with the new dynasty; moreover, the revolt of the
Babylonians, conceived a year or two before it was executed, took its
rise from the feelings of this time.[411] But the renewal of the old
conflict between the two principal sections of the empire, Medes and
Persians, is doubtless the most important feature in this political
revolution. The false Smerdis with his brother, both of them Medes
and Magians, had revived the Median nationality to a state of
supremacy over the Persian, recalling the memory of what it had been
under Astyagês; while Darius,—a pure Persian, and not (like the mule
Cyrus) half Mede and half Persian,—replaced the Persian nationality
in its ascendent condition, though not without the necessity of
suppressing by force a rebellion of the Medes.[412]
[408] Herodot. iii, 127. Δαρεῖος—ἅτε οἰδεόντων οἱ ἔτι τῶν
πρηγμάτων, etc.,—mention of the ταραχή (iii, 126, 150).
[409] Herodot. iii, 126. Μετὰ γὰρ τὸν Καμβύσεω θάνατον, καὶ τῶν
Μάγων τὴν βασιληΐην, μένων ἐν τῇσι Σάρδισι Ὀροίτης, ὠφέλει μὲν
οὐδὲν Πέρσας, ~ὑπὸ Μήδων ἀπαραιρημένους τὴν ἀρχήν~· ὁ δὲ ἐν
ταύτῃ τῇ ταραχῇ κατὰ μὲν ἔκτεινε Μιτροβάτεα ... ἄλλα τε ἐξύβρισε
παντοῖα, etc.
[410] Herodot. iv, 166. Ὁ δὲ Ἀρυάνδης ἦν οὗτος τῆς Αἰγύπτου
ὕπαρχος ὑπὸ Καμβύσεω κατεστεώς· ὃς ὑστέρῳ χρόνῳ παρισεύμενος
Δαρείῳ διεφθάρη.
[411] Herodot. iii, 67-150.
[412] Herodot. i, 130. Ἀστυάγης μέν νυν βασιλεύσας ἐπ᾽ ἔτεα πέντε
καὶ τριήκοντα, οὕτω τῆς ἀρχῆς κατεπαύσθη. Μῆδοι δὲ ὑπέκυψαν
Πέρσῃσι διὰ τὴν τούτου πικρότητα.... Ὑστέρῳ μέντοι χρόνῳ
μετεμέλησέ τέ σφι ταῦτα ποιήσασι, καὶ ἀπέστησαν ἀπὸ Δαρείου·
ἀποστάντες δὲ, ὀπίσω κατεστράφθησαν, μάχῃ νικηθέντες· τότε δὲ,
ἐπὶ Ἀστυάγεος, οἱ Πέρσαι τε καὶ ὁ Κῦρος ἐπαναστάντες τοῖσι
Μήδοισι, ἦρχον τὸ ἀπὸ τούτου τῆς Ἀσίης.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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