The Central Committee had told the people on Sunday, the 19th instant,
"Prepare for your communal elections." They thus had a whole week in
which to frame a mandate and select their mandatories. No doubt the
resistance of the mayors and the occupation of the military posts kept
away many of the revolutionary electors from their arrondissements, but
there still remained enough citizens to conduct the work of selection.
Never had a mandate been more indispensable, for the question at issue
was to give Paris a communal constitution acceptable to all France.
Never did Paris stand in such need of enlightened and practical men,
capable at once of negotiating and of combating.
Yet there was never less preparatory discussion. A few men only recalled
to prudence a people habitually so over-scrupulous in electoral matters,
and which had just made a revolution to get rid of their
representatives. The Committee of the twenty arrondissements issued a
manifesto very pertinent in several points, and which might have served
as an outline; the two delegates at the Home Office tried, through an
article in the _Officiel_, to impress Paris with the importance of her
vote. Not a single assembly framed the general programme of Paris; only
two or three arrondissements gave some sort of mandate.
Instead of voting for a programme, they voted for names. Those who had
demanded the Commune, made a mark at the Corderie or during the siege,
were elected without being asked for further explanations, some even
twice, like Flourens, in spite of the blunders of the 31st October. Only
seven or eight, and those not the best, of the obscure men of the
Central Committee were named, the latter, it is true, having decided
not to present itself for election. The public meetings in many
arrondissements sent up the most violent talkers, romanticists sprung up
during the siege, and lacking all knowledge of practical life. Nowhere
were the candidates put to any test. In the ardour of the struggle they
took no thought for the morrow. One might have fancied that the object
in view was a simple manifestation, not the foundation of a new order of
things.
Twenty-four workmen only were elected, and of these a third belonged
rather to the public meetings than to the International or the
workingmen's societies. The other delegates of the people were chosen
from the small middle-class and the so-called liberal professions,
accountants, publicists--there were as many as twelve of these--doctors
and lawyers. These, save a few really studious men, whether veterans or
new-comers, were as ignorant as the workmen of the political and
administrative mechanism of the bourgeoisie, albeit full of their own
personality. The safety of the Central Committee lay in this, that it
was unadorned with great men, each one provided with a formula of his
own. The Council of the Commune, on the contrary, abounded in chapels,
groups, semi-celebrities, and hence endless competition and rivalry.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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