History of the French Revolution from 1789 to 1814Mignet, M. (François-Auguste-Marie-Alexis)
History
History of the French Revolution from 1789 to 1814
Mignet, M. (François-Auguste-Marie-Alexis)
France -- History -- 1789-1815; France -- History -- Revolution, 1789-1799
The amendment of Merlin was revoked as insulting to the
committee of public safety, and the whole law was adopted. From that time
executions took place in batches; and fifty persons were sent to death
daily. This _Terror_ within terror lasted about two months.
But the end of this system drew near. The sittings of Prairial were the
term of union for the member of the committees. From that time, silent
dissensions existed among them. They had advanced together, so long as
they had to contend together; but this ceased to be the case when they
found themselves alone in the arena, with habits of contest and the desire
for dominion. Moreover, their opinions were no longer entirely the same:
the democratic party were divided by the fall of the old commune; Billaud-
Varennes, Collot-d'Herbois, and the principal members of the committee of
general safety, Vadier, Amar, Vouland, clung to this overthrown faction,
and preferred _the worship of Reason_ to that of _the Supreme Being_. They
were also jealous of the fame, and anxious at the power of Robespierre,
who, in his turn, was irritated at their secret disapprobation and the
obstacles they opposed to his will. At this period, the latter conceived
the design of putting down the most enterprising members of the Mountain,
Tallien, Bourdon, Legendre, Fréron, Rovère, etc., and his rivals of the
committee.
Robespierre had a prodigious force at his disposal, the common people, who
considered the revolution as depending on him, supported him as the
representative of its doctrines and interests; the armed force of Paris,
commanded by Henriot, was at his command. He had entire sway over the
Jacobins, whom he admitted and ejected at pleasure; all important posts
were occupied by his creatures; he had formed the revolutionary tribunal
and the new committee himself, substituting Payan, the national agent, for
Chaumette, the attorney-general; and Fleuriot for Pache, in the office of
mayor. But what was his design in granting the most influential places to
new men, and in separating himself from the committees? Did he aspire to
the dictatorship? Did he only seek to establish his democracy _of virtue_
by the ruin of the remaining _immoral_ members of the Mountain, and the
_factious_ of the committee? Each party had lost its leaders: the Gironde
had lost the _twenty-two_; the commune, Hébert, Chaumette, and Ronsin; the
Mountain, Danton, Chabot, Lacroix, and Camille Desmoulins. But while thus
proscribing the leaders, Robespierre had carefully protected the sects. He
had defended the _seventy-three prisoners_ against the denunciations of
the Jacobins and the hatred of the committees; he had placed himself at
the head of the new commune; he had no longer reason to fear opposition to
his projects, whatever they might be, except from a few of the Mountain
and the members of the conventional government. It was against this double
obstacle that he directed his efforts during the last moments of his
career.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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