History of the Girondists, Volume I: Personal Memoirs of the Patriots of the French RevolutionLamartine, Alphonse de
History
History of the Girondists, Volume I: Personal Memoirs of the Patriots of the French Revolution
Lamartine, Alphonse de
France -- History -- Revolution, 1789-1799; Girondists
When then a nation is placed in a sufficing territory, with settled
laws, fixed interests, sacred creeds, its worship in full force, its
social classes graduated, its administration organised, it is
monarchical in spite of seas, rivers, or mountains. It abdicates and
empowers the monarchy to foresee, to will, to act for it. It is the most
perfect of governments for such functions. It calls itself by the two
names of society itself, _unity_ and _hereditary right_.
IX.
If a people, on the contrary, is at one of those epochs when it is
necessary to act with all the intensity of its strength in order to
operate within and without one of those organic transformations which
are as necessary to people as is a current to waves or explosion to
compressed powers--a republic is the obligatory and fated form of a
nation at such a moment.
For a sudden, irresistible, convulsive action of the social body, the
arm and will of all is needed; the people become a mob, and rush
headlong to danger. It can alone suffice to its own danger. What other
arm but that of the whole people could stir what it has to
stir?--displace what it has to displace?--install what it desires to
found? The monarch would break his sceptre into fragments on it. There
must be a lever capable of raising thirty millions of wills--this lever
the nation alone possesses. It is in itself the moving power, the
fulcrum and the lever.
X.
We cannot ask of the law to act against the law, of tradition to act
against tradition, of established order to act against established
order. It would be to require strength from weakness, life from suicide;
and, besides, we should ask in vain of the monarchical power to
accomplish these changes, in which very often all perish, and the king
foremost. Such a course would be the contradiction to the monarchy: how
could it attempt it?
To ask a king to destroy the empire of a religion which consecrates him;
to despoil of their riches a clergy who has them by the same divine
title as that by which he has tenure of his kingdom; to degrade an
aristocracy which is the first step of his throne; to throw down social
hierarchies of which he is the head and crown; to undermine laws of
which he is the highest,--is to ask of the vaults of an edifice to sap
the foundation. The king could not do so, and would not. In thus
overthrowing all that serves him for support, he feels that he would be
rendered wholly destitute. He would be playing with his throne and
dynasty. He is responsible for his race. He is prudent by nature, and a
temporiser from necessity. He must soothe, please, manage, and be on
terms with all constituted interests. He is the king of the worship,
aristocracy, laws, manners, abuses, and falsehoods of the empire. Even
the vices of the constitution form a portion of his strength. To
threaten them is to destroy himself. He may hate them: he dares not to
attack them.
XI.
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