History of the Girondists, Volume I: Personal Memoirs of the Patriots of the French RevolutionLamartine, Alphonse de
History
History of the Girondists, Volume I: Personal Memoirs of the Patriots of the French Revolution
Lamartine, Alphonse de
France -- History -- Revolution, 1789-1799; Girondists
The king had for some time hoped that the wrath of the Revolution would
be softened down by its triumph. Those violent acts, those stormy
oscillations between insolence and repentance, which had marked the
inauguration of the Assembly, had painfully undeceived him. His
astonished ministry already trembled before so much audacity, and in the
council avowed their incompetency. The king was desirous of retaining
men who had given him such proofs of devotion to his person. Some of
them, confidants or accomplices, served the king and queen, either by
keeping up communications with the emigrants or by their intrigues in
the interior.
M. de Montmorin, an able man, but unequal to the difficulties of the
crisis, had retired. The two principal men of the ministry were M. de
Lessart for Foreign Affairs; M. Bertrand de Molleville in the Marine
Department. M. de Lessart, placed by his position between the armed
emigrants, the impatient Assembly, undecided Europe, and the inculpated
king, could not fail to fall under his own good intentions. His plan was
to avoid war in his own country by temporising and negotiations--to
suspend the hostile demonstration of foreign power: to present to the
intimidated Assembly the king, as sole arbiter and negotiator of peace
between his people and the foreigner; and he trusted thus to adjourn the
final collisions between the Assembly and the throne, and to
re-establish the regular authority of the king by preserving peace. The
personal arrangements of the emperor Leopold aided him in his plans; he
had only to contend against the fatality which urges men and things to
their _denouement_. The Girondists, and Brissot especially, overwhelmed
him with accusations, inasmuch as he was the man who could most retard
their triumph. By sacrificing him they could sacrifice a whole system:
their press and their harangues pointed him out to the fury of the
people;--the partisans of war marked him down as their victim. He was no
traitor--but with them to negotiate was to betray. The king, who knew he
was irreproachable and confided all his plans to him, refused to
sacrifice him to his enemies, and thus accumulated resentments against
the minister. As to M. de Molleville, he was a secret enemy of the
constitution. He advised the king to play the hypocrite, acting in the
letter, and thus to destroy the spirit, of the law,--advancing by
subterranean ways to a violent catastrophe,--when, according to him the
monarchical cause must come out victorious. Confiding in the power of
intrigue more than in the influence of opinion, seeking everywhere
traitors to the popular cause, paying spies, bargaining for consciences,
believing in no one's incorruptibility, keeping up secret intelligence
with the most violent demagogues, paying in hard money for the most
incendiary propositions under the idea of making the Revolution
unpopular from its very excesses, and filling the tribunes of the
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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