History of the Impeachment of Andrew Johnson, President of the United States, by the House of Representatives, and his trial by the Senate for high crimes and misdemeanors in office, 1868Ross, Edmund G. (Edmund Gibson)
History
History of the Impeachment of Andrew Johnson, President of the United States, by the House of Representatives, and his trial by the Senate for high crimes and misdemeanors in office, 1868
Ross, Edmund G. (Edmund Gibson)
Johnson, Andrew, 1808-1875 -- Impeachment
That Congress was to expire by limitation at 12 o'clock on the 4th,
thirty-six hours later. If Mr. Johnson had vetoed the bill, as under
ordinary conditions it would have been his duty to the Constitution and
to himself to do, its re-passage through the two Houses in that limited
time would have been impossible, and the appropriations carried by the
bill for the support of the Army would have been lost. To save them Mr.
Johnson submitted to the indignity put upon him by Congress in denying
him a guaranteed and manifest Constitutional right and power. In that
act Mr. Johnson illustrated a magnanimity and a consciousness of public
responsibility that was most creditable to himself, and in marked
contrast to the action of Congress toward him.
CHAPTER X. -- A CONFERENCE HELD AND THE FIRST VOTE TAKEN.
A few days prior to the day set for taking the vote on the several
Articles of Impeachment, and after the conclusion of testimony, it was
proposed that there be a private session for conference of the Senate
on a day named, May 11th, to give Senators an opportunity to declare
themselves on the pending impeachment.
Neither the precise object or the utility of a conference were then
apparent, but the result was somewhat of a surprise to those who had, up
to that time, been undoubtingly confident of the President's conviction.
Comparatively few Senators had previously declared their position. Very
few, if any of the Republican Senators had indicated a disposition to
vote against any of the articles, but the silence of a number of them,
and their refusal to commit themselves even to their associates, was a
source of uneasiness in Senatorial Impeachment circles. Hence, possibly,
the suggestion of a "conference."
It was taken for granted that every Democratic Senator would vote
against the impeachment. But the idea was not to be entertained that the
"no" votes would extend beyond the Democratic coterie of twelve.
There were, however, anxious misgivings as to that. There was too much
silence--too much of saying nothing when so little that might be said
would go so far to relieve an oppressive anxiety.
So a session for "conference" was ordered and held, much to the surprise
of gentlemen whose silence had become somewhat oppressive, and was
becoming equally painful to those who wanted a conference. It savored
of an attempt to "poll the Senate" in advance of judgment. It was
resolved at the session of May 7th, to hold a session for deliberation
on the following Monday, May 11th. The most surprising development of
that session was the weakness of the bill of indictment at the very
point where it was apparently strongest--the first Article. Two
conspicuous and influential Senators--Messrs. Sherman of Ohio, and Howe
of Wisconsin--declared, and gave convincing reasons therefor, that they
would not vote for the impeachment of Mr. Johnson on that Article.
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