History of the Impeachment of Andrew Johnson, President of the United States, by the House of Representatives, and his trial by the Senate for high crimes and misdemeanors in office, 1868Ross, Edmund G. (Edmund Gibson)
History
History of the Impeachment of Andrew Johnson, President of the United States, by the House of Representatives, and his trial by the Senate for high crimes and misdemeanors in office, 1868
Ross, Edmund G. (Edmund Gibson)
Johnson, Andrew, 1808-1875 -- Impeachment
Upon the closing of the hearing--even prior thereto, and again during
the few days of recess that followed, the Senate had been carefully
polled, and the prospective vote of every member from whom it was
possible to procure a committal, ascertained and registered in many a
private memoranda. There were fifty-four members--all present. According
to these memoranda, the vote would stand eighteen for acquittal,
thirty-five for conviction--one less than the number required by the
Constitution to convict. What that one vote would be, and could it be
had, were anxious queries, of one to another, especially among those
who had set on foot the impeachment enterprise and staked their future
control of the government upon its success. Given for conviction and
upon sufficient proofs, the President MUST step down and out of his
place, the highest and most honorable and honoring in dignity and
sacredness of trust in the constitution of human government, a disgraced
man and a political pariah. If so cast upon insufficient proofs or from
partisan considerations, the office of President of the United States
would be degraded--cease to be a coordinate branch of the Government,
and ever after subordinated to the legislative will. It would have
practically revolutionized our splendid political fabric into a partisan
Congressional autocracy. Apolitical tragedy was imminent.
On the other hand, that vote properly given for acquittal, would at once
free the Presidential office from imputed dishonor and strengthen our
triple organization and distribution of powers and responsibilities.
It would preserve the even tenor and courses of administration, and
effectively impress upon the world a conviction of the strength
and grandeur of Republican institutions in the hands of a free and
enlightened people.
The occasion was sublimely and intensely dramatic. The President of the
United States was on trial. The Chief Justice of the Supreme Court was
presiding over the deliberations of the Senate sitting for the trial
of the great cause. The board of management conducting the prosecution
brought by the House of Representatives was a body of able and
illustrious politicians and statesmen. The President's counsel,
comprising jurists among the most eminent of the country, had summed
up for the defense and were awaiting final judgment. The Senate,
transformed for the occasion into an extraordinary judicial tribunal,
the highest known to our laws, the Senators at once judges and jurors
with power to enforce testimony and sworn to hear all the facts bearing
upon the case, was about to pronounce that judgment.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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