History of the Impeachment of Andrew Johnson, President of the United States, by the House of Representatives, and his trial by the Senate for high crimes and misdemeanors in office, 1868Ross, Edmund G. (Edmund Gibson)
History
History of the Impeachment of Andrew Johnson, President of the United States, by the House of Representatives, and his trial by the Senate for high crimes and misdemeanors in office, 1868
Ross, Edmund G. (Edmund Gibson)
Johnson, Andrew, 1808-1875 -- Impeachment
Being so enclosed and referred to in the letter transmitting and
enclosing them, they became quite as much a part of the President's
communication as his own letter which enclosed them. Counsel for Defense
objected to the introduction of the President's letter without the
enclosures, but the objection was not sustained and the letters were not
permitted to be introduced, but the letter enclosing and referring to
them was. The vote on the production of the enclosures was, yeas 20,
nays 29--twenty-eight of the thirty-eight Republicans present, voting
to exclude this essential testimony in the President's behalf, and
twenty-seven of the number afterwards voted to convict him of a high
misdemeanor in office in removing Mr. Stanton from the War Office, after
refusing him the benefit of the testimony of his Constitutional Cabinet
advisers in this important matter.
It is possible that under other conditions this proceeding might have
been legitimate and proper; but Mr. Johnson was on trial under grave
charges, before the highest, and supposably fairest tribunal on earth,
and had a right to the benefit of the testimony of his cabinet, in full,
and more especially when that testimony was presented in a distorted and
garbled shape by his accusers. Moreover, every member of the Court
had the right to know what was in those letters, if any part of the
correspondence was to be received. But whether or not Mr. Johnson had
the right to the testimony in his behalf which it was claimed these
enclosures contained, he certainly had the right to resist the
introduction of mutilated testimony against him. The purpose of the
trial was to ascertain the facts in the case--all the facts bearing on
either side. The Court was sitting and the witnesses were called for
that purpose, and no other.
This record shows, that in but three instances out of twenty-one, did
a majority of the Republicans of the Senate vote to receive testimony
offered in the President's behalf--that on one interrogatory there was
an equal division--that on seventeen of the twenty-one interrogatories
put by the Defense, a majority of the Republicans voted to exclude
testimony, in several cases by a two-thirds vote--and that but nine of
the twenty-one interrogatories put in behalf of the President were by
Republican votes permitted to be answered--also that, as a rule
which had very rare exceptions, such interrogatories in behalf of the
President as were permitted answer, were so permitted by very close
majorities.
It is undoubted that every Republican member of the Senate entered upon
that trial in the expectation that the allegations of the Prosecution
would be sustained, but it was also expected that a fair, free, full,
open investigation of all the charges preferred would be had, and that
all the information possible to be obtained bearing upon the case, pro
and con, would be admitted to testimony--but that expectation was not
realized.
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