History of the Impeachment of Andrew Johnson, President of the United States, by the House of Representatives, and his trial by the Senate for high crimes and misdemeanors in office, 1868Ross, Edmund G. (Edmund Gibson)
History
History of the Impeachment of Andrew Johnson, President of the United States, by the House of Representatives, and his trial by the Senate for high crimes and misdemeanors in office, 1868
Ross, Edmund G. (Edmund Gibson)
Johnson, Andrew, 1808-1875 -- Impeachment
"The Constitution has not only made a general delegation of the
legislative power to one branch of the Government, of the executive
to another, and of the judicial to the third, but it has specifically
defined the general powers and duties of each of those departments. This
is essential to peace and safety in any Government, and especially in
one clothed only with specific power for national purposes and erected
in the midst of numerous State Governments retaining exclusive control
of their local concerns.* * * Were there no power to interpret,
pronounce and execute the law, the Government would perish through its
own imbecility, as was the case with the Articles of Confederation; or
other powers must be assumed by the legislative body, to the destruction
of liberty." Again, as was eloquently and forcefully said by Daniel
Webster in the U. S. Senate in 1834:
"The first object of a free people is the preservation of their liberty,
and liberty is only to be preserved by maintaining constitutional
restraints and just division of political power. Nothing is more
deceptive or more dangerous than the pretense of a desire to simplify
government. The simplest governments are despotisms; the next simplest,
limited monarchies; but all republics, all governments of law, must
impose numerous limitations and qualifications of authority and give
many positive and many qualified rights. In other words, they must
be subject to rule and regulation. This is the very essence of free
political institutions. The spirit of liberty is, indeed, a bold
and fearless spirit; but it is also a sharp-sighted spirit: it is a
cautious, sagacious, discriminating, far-seeing intelligence; it is
jealous of encroachment, jealous of power, jealous of man. It demands
checks; it seeks for guards; it insists on securities; it entrenches
itself behind strong defenses, and fortifies itself with all possible
care against the assaults of ambition and passion. It does not trust the
amiable weaknesses of human nature, and, therefore, it will not permit
power to overstep its prescribed limits, though benevolence, good
intent, and patriotic purpose come along with it. Neither does
it satisfy itself with flashy and temporary resistance to illegal
authority. Far otherwise. It seeks for duration and permanence; it looks
before and after; and, building on the experience of ages which are
past, it labors diligently for the benefit of ages to come. This is the
nature of constitutional liberty; and this is our liberty, if we will
rightly understand and preserve it. Every free government is necessarily
complicated, because all such governments establish restraints, as well
on the power of government itself as on that of individuals. If we will
abolish the distinction of branches, and have but one branch; if we will
abolish jury trials, and leave all to the judge; if we will then ordain
that the legislator shall himself be that judge; and if we will
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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