History of the Negro Race in America from 1619 to 1880. Vol. 2: Negroes as Slaves, as Soldiers, and as CitizensWilliams, George Washington
History
History of the Negro Race in America from 1619 to 1880. Vol. 2: Negroes as Slaves, as Soldiers, and as Citizens
Williams, George Washington
African Americans -- History; Liberia; Sierra Leone
Here was a clear statement of the position and feelings of the South
respecting slavery. The ordinance of 1787 and the Missouri compromise
of 1820 "were destroying the equilibrium between the _two sections_!"
And the anti-slavery agitation, "if not arrested, would destroy the
Union!" The sophistry of Calhoun sought a reasonable excuse for the
South to dissolve the Union. In a speech of his, written during a
spell of sickness, and read by Mr. Mason, of Virginia, he referred to
Washington as "the illustrious Southerner." When it was read in the
Senate Mr. Cass said:
"Our Washington--the Washington of our whole country--receives in
this Senate the epithet of 'Southerner,' as if that great man,
whose distinguished characteristic was his attachment to his
country, and his whole country, who was so well known, and who,
more than any one, deprecated all sectional feeling and all
sectional action, loved Georgia better than he loved New
Hampshire, because he happened to be born on the southern bank of
the Potomac. I repeat, sir, that I heard with great pain that
expression from the distinguished Senator from South Carolina."
There was certainly no ground for reasonable complaint on the part of
the South. From the convention that framed the Federal Constitution,
through all Congressional struggle, and in national politics as well,
the South had secured nearly all measures asked for. And the
discussion in Congress at this time was intended to divert attention
from the real object of the South. Another fugitive-slave law was
demanded by the South, and the Northern members voted them the right
to hunt slaves upon free soil. The law passed, and was approved on the
18th of September, 1850.
It was difficult to choose between the Democratic and Whig parties by
reading the planks in their platforms referring to the subject of
slavery. On the 1st of June, 1852, the Democratic Convention, at
Baltimore, Maryland, nominated Franklin Pierce, of New Hampshire, for
the Presidency, on the forty-ninth ballot. This plank defined the
position of that party on the question of slavery.
"That Congress has no power under the Constitution to interfere
with or control the domestic institutions of the several States,
and that such States are the sole and proper judges of every
thing appertaining to their own affairs, not prohibited by the
Constitution; that all efforts of the abolitionists, or others,
made to induce Congress to interfere with questions of slavery,
or to take incipient steps in relation thereto, are calculated to
lead to the most alarming and dangerous consequences; and that
all such efforts have an inevitable tendency to diminish the
happiness of the people, and endanger the stability and
permanency of the Union, and ought not to be countenanced by any
friend of our political institutions.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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