History of the Negro Race in America from 1619 to 1880. Vol. 2: Negroes as Slaves, as Soldiers, and as CitizensWilliams, George Washington
History
History of the Negro Race in America from 1619 to 1880. Vol. 2: Negroes as Slaves, as Soldiers, and as Citizens
Williams, George Washington
African Americans -- History; Liberia; Sierra Leone
"(Signed) G. T. BEAUREGARD."
But the proclamation was a harmless measure. _First_, it declared that
the object of the war was to restore "the constitutional relation
between the United States and each of the States." After nearly two
years of disastrous war Mr. Lincoln declares the object of the war.
Certainly no loyal man had ever entertained any other idea than the
one expressed in the proclamation. It was not a war on the part of the
United States to destroy her children, nor to disturb her own
constitutional, comprehensive unity. It must have been understood,
then, from the commencement, that the war begun by the seceding States
was waged on the part of the United States to preserve the _Union of
the States_, and restore them to their "constitutional relation."
_Second_, the proclamation implored the slave States to accept
(certainly in the spirit of compromise) a proposition from the United
States to emancipate their slaves for a _pecuniary consideration_,
and, by their gracious consent, assist in _colonizing_ loyal Negroes
in this country or in Africa!
_Third_, the measure proposed to free slaves of persons and States in
rebellion against the lawful authority of the United States Government
on the first day of January, 1863. Nothing more difficult could have
been undertaken than to free _only_ the slaves of persons and States
in _actual_ rebellion against the Government of the United States.
Persons in _actual_ rebellion would be _most_ likely to have immediate
oversight of this species of their property; and the owners of slaves
in the States in _actual_ rebellion against the United States
Government would doubtless be as thoroughly prepared to take care of
slave property as the muskets in their rebellious hands.
_Fourth_, this emancipation proclamation (?) proposed to pay out of
the United States Treasury,--for all slaves of loyal masters lost in a
rebellion begun by slave-holders and carried on by slave-holders!
Under the condition of affairs no emancipation proclamation was
necessary. Treason against the United States is "levying war against
them," or "adhering to their enemies, giving them aid and comfort."
The rebel States were guilty of treason; and from the moment Sumter
was fired upon, every slave in the Confederate States was _ipso facto_
free!
But it was an occasion for rejoicing. The President had taken a step
in the right direction, and, thank God! he never retraced it.
A severe winter had set in. The rebels had shown the kind-hearted
President no disposition to accept the mild terms of his proclamation.
On the contrary, it was received with gnashing of teeth and bitter
imprecations. On the 12th of January, 1863, the titular President of
the Confederate States, in his third Annual Message, gave attention to
the proclamation of the President of the United States. Mr. Davis
said:
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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