History of the Origin, Formation, and Adoption of the Constitution of the United States, Vol. 1: With Notices of Its Principle FramersCurtis, George Ticknor
History
History of the Origin, Formation, and Adoption of the Constitution of the United States, Vol. 1: With Notices of Its Principle Framers
Curtis, George Ticknor
Constitutional history -- United States
When the news of the disturbances in Massachusetts, in the autumn of
1786, was received in Congress, it happened that intelligence from the
Western country indicated a hostile disposition on the part of several
Indian tribes against the frontier settlements. A resolve was
unanimously adopted, directing one thousand three hundred and forty
additional troops to be raised, for the term of three years, for the
protection and support of the States bordering on the Western territory
and the settlements on and near the Mississippi, and to secure and
facilitate the surveying and selling of the public lands.[263] From the
fact that the whole of these troops were ordered to be raised by the
four New England States, and one half of them by the State of
Massachusetts, and from other circumstances, it is quite apparent that
the object assigned was an ostensible one, and that Congress intended by
this resolve to strengthen the government of that State and to overawe
the insurgents.[264] But this motive could not be publicly announced.
The enlistment went on very slowly, however, until February, when a
motion was made by Mr. Pinckney of South Carolina to stop it altogether,
upon the ground that the insurrection in Massachusetts, the real, though
not the ostensible, object of the resolve, had been crushed. Mr. King of
Massachusetts earnestly entreated that the federal enlistments might be
permitted to go on, otherwise the greatest alarm would be felt by the
government of the State and its friends, and the insurrection might be
rekindled. Mr. Madison advised that the proposal to rescind the order
for the enlistments should be suspended, to await the course of events
in Massachusetts. At the same time, he admitted that it would be
difficult to reconcile an interference of Congress in the internal
controversies of a State with the tenor of the Articles of
Confederation.[265] The whole subject was postponed, and the direct
question of the power of Congress was not acted upon. In the Convention
which framed the Constitution, it was very early declared, that the
Confederation had neither constitutional power, nor means, to interfere
in case of a rebellion in any State.[266]
This generation can scarcely depict to itself the alarm which these
disturbances spread through the country, and the extreme peril to which
the whole fabric of society in New England was exposed. The numbers of
the disaffected in Massachusetts amounted to one fifth of the
inhabitants in several of the populous counties. Their doctrines and
purposes were embraced by many young, active, and desperate men in Rhode
Island, Connecticut, and New Hampshire, and the whole of this faction in
the four States was capable of furnishing a body of twelve or fifteen
thousand men, bent on annihilating property, and cancelling all debts,
public and private.[267]
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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