History of the Origin, Formation, and Adoption of the Constitution of the United States, Vol. 1: With Notices of Its Principle FramersCurtis, George Ticknor
History
History of the Origin, Formation, and Adoption of the Constitution of the United States, Vol. 1: With Notices of Its Principle Framers
Curtis, George Ticknor
Constitutional history -- United States
During the period which elapsed from the Treaty of Peace with England to
the assembling of the Convention at Annapolis, the legislation of the
different States, designed to protect themselves against the policy of
England, was of course without system or concert, and without uniformity
of regulation. At one time duties were made extravagantly high; at
another, competition reduced them below the point at which any
considerable revenue could be derived. At one time, the States acted in
open hostility to each other; at another, they contemplated commercial
leagues, without regard to the prohibition contained in the Articles of
Confederation. No steady system was pursued by any of them, and the
inefficacy of State legislation became at length so apparent, that a
conviction of the necessity of new powers in Congress forced itself upon
the public mind.
FOOTNOTES:
[271] Life of Hamilton, II. 233, 234. See also his resolutions on the
defects of the federal government, intended to be offered in Congress in
1783, and especially the eighth resolution. Works of Hamilton, II. 269.
[272] Hamilton himself, in some papers which he published in 1781, under
the title of The Continentalist, gave the general sum of American
statesmanship and its opportunities, down to that period. The events of
the next seven years gave it a wonderful development. "It would be the
extreme of vanity in us," said he, "not to be sensible that we began
this revolution with very vague and confined notions of the practical
business of government. To the greater part of us, it was a novelty; of
those who under the former constitution had had opportunities of
acquiring experience, a large proportion adhered to the opposite side,
and the remainder can only be supposed to have possessed ideas adapted
to the narrow colonial sphere in which they had been accustomed to move,
not of that enlarged kind suited to the government of an independent
nation. There were, no doubt, exceptions to these observations;--men in
all respects qualified for conducting the public affairs with skill and
advantage;--but their number was small; they were not always brought
forward in our councils; and when they were, their influence was too
commonly borne down by the prevailing torrent of ignorance and
prejudice. On a retrospect, however, of our transactions, under the
disadvantages with which we commenced, it is perhaps more to be wondered
at, that we have done so well, than that we have not done better. There
are, indeed, some traits in our conduct, as conspicuous for sound policy
as others for magnanimity. But, on the other hand, it must also be
confessed, there have been many false steps, many chimerical projects
and Utopian speculations, in the management of our civil as well as of
our military affairs. A part of these were the natural effects of the
spirit of the times, dictated by our situation. An extreme jealousy of
power is the attendant on all popular revolutions, and has seldom been
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