History of the Origin, Formation, and Adoption of the Constitution of the United States, Vol. 1: With Notices of Its Principle FramersCurtis, George Ticknor
History
History of the Origin, Formation, and Adoption of the Constitution of the United States, Vol. 1: With Notices of Its Principle Framers
Curtis, George Ticknor
Constitutional history -- United States
The Confederation gives the States, individually, too much
influence in the affairs of the army; they should have nothing to do
with it. The entire foundation and disposal of our military forces ought
to belong to Congress. It is an essential element of the Union; and it
ought to be the policy of Congress to destroy all ideas of State
attachment in the army, and make it look up wholly to them. For this
purpose, all appointments, promotions, and provisions whatsoever ought
to be made by them. It may be apprehended, that this may be dangerous to
liberty. But nothing appears more evident to me, than that we run much
greater risk of having a weak and disunited federal government, than one
which will be able to usurp upon the rights of the people. Already some
of the lines of the army would obey their States in opposition to
Congress, notwithstanding the pains we have taken to preserve the unity
of the army. If any thing would hinder this, it would be the personal
influence of the general,--a melancholy and mortifying consideration.
The forms of our State constitutions must always give them great weight
in our affairs, and will make it too difficult to blind them to the
pursuit of a common interest, too easy to oppose what they do not like,
and to form partial combinations, subversive of the general one. There
is a wide difference between our situation and that of an empire under
one simple form of government, distributed into counties, provinces, or
districts, which have no legislatures, but merely magistratical bodies
to execute the laws of a common sovereign. There the danger is that the
sovereign will have too much power, and oppress the parts of which it is
composed. In our case, that of an empire composed of confederate states,
each with a government completely organized within itself, having all
the means to draw its subjects to a close dependence on itself, the
danger is directly the reverse. It is, that the common sovereign will
not have power sufficient to unite the different members together, and
direct the common forces to the interest and happiness of the whole....
The Confederation, too, gives the power of the purse too entirely to the
State legislatures. It should provide perpetual funds in the disposal of
Congress, by a land-tax, poll-tax, or the like. All imposts upon
commerce ought to be laid by Congress, and appropriated to their use;
for without certain revenues, a government can have no power; that power
which holds the purse-strings absolutely, must rule. This seems to be a
medium which, without making Congress altogether independent, will tend
to give reality to its authority. Another defect in our system is, want
of method and energy in the administration. This has partly resulted
from the other defect; but in a great degree from prejudice and the want
of a proper executive. Congress have kept the power too much in their
own hands, and have meddled too much with details of every sort.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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