History of the Origin, Formation, and Adoption of the Constitution of the United States, Vol. 2: With Notices of Its Principle FramersCurtis, George Ticknor
History
History of the Origin, Formation, and Adoption of the Constitution of the United States, Vol. 2: With Notices of Its Principle Framers
Curtis, George Ticknor
Constitutional history -- United States
But there, a scheme that seemed likely to elevate the Senate into a
powerful oligarchy, and that would certainly put it in the power of
seven States, not containing a third of the people, to elect the
executive, when there failed to be a choice by the electors, met with
strenuous resistance. For these and other reasons, not necessary to be
recounted here, the ultimate choice of the executive was transferred
from the Senate to the House of Representatives.[157] This change, if
coupled with the concession of revenue bills to the House, without the
right to amend in the Senate, would have thrown a large balance of
power into the former assembly; and in order to prevent this
inequality, a provision was made, in the words used in the
Constitution of Massachusetts, that the Senate might propose or concur
with amendments, as on other bills. With this addition, the
restriction of the origin of bills for raising revenue to the House of
Representatives finally passed, with but two dissentient votes.[158]
The qualifications of the Senators had been made superior in some
respects to those of the members of the House of Representatives, on
account of the peculiar duties which it was intended they should
discharge, and the length of their term of office. They were to be of
the age of thirty years; to be inhabitants of the States for which
they might be chosen; and in the report of the committee of detail the
period of four years' citizenship was made one of the requirements.
But so great was the jealousy of foreign influence, and so important
was the position of a senator likely to become, that, when this
particular qualification came to be considered, it was found to be
altogether impossible to make so short a period of citizenship
acceptable to a majority. According to the plan then contemplated, the
Senate was to be a body of great power. Its legislative duties were to
form but a part of its functions. It was to have the making of
treaties, and the appointment of ambassadors and judges of the Supreme
Court, without the concurrent action of any other department of the
government. In addition to these special powers, it was to have a
concurrent vote with the House of Representatives in the election of
the executive. It was also to exercise the judicial function of
hearing and determining questions of boundary between the States.
This formidable array of powers, which were subsequently much modified
or entirely taken away, but which no one could then be sure would not
be retained as they had been proposed, rendered it necessary to guard
the Senate with peculiar care. A very animated discussion, in which
the same reasons were urged on both sides which had entered into the
debate on the qualifications of the representatives, enforced by the
peculiar dangers to which the Senate might be exposed, at length
resulted in a vote establishing the period of nine years' citizenship
as a qualification for the office of a senator.[159]
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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