History of the Origin, Formation, and Adoption of the Constitution of the United States, Vol. 2: With Notices of Its Principle FramersCurtis, George Ticknor
History
History of the Origin, Formation, and Adoption of the Constitution of the United States, Vol. 2: With Notices of Its Principle Framers
Curtis, George Ticknor
Constitutional history -- United States
For when the Virginia members, through Edmund Randolph, brought
forward their scheme of government, they not only gave the executive
no power of appointment to any office, but they proposed to vest the
appointment of both the executive and the judiciary in the
legislature. Hence they felt the necessity of guarding against the
abuse that might follow, if the members of the legislature were to be
left at liberty to appoint each other to office,--an abuse which they
knew had been imputed to the Congress, and which they declared had
been grossly practised by their own legislature.[171] They proposed,
therefore, to go beyond the Confederation, and to make the members of
both branches ineligible to any office established under the authority
of the United States, (excepting those peculiarly belonging to their
own functions,) during their term of service and for one year after
its expiration. This provision passed the committee of the whole; but
in the Convention, on a motion made by Mr. Gorham to strike it out,
the votes of the States were divided. An effort was then made by Mr.
Madison to find a middle ground, between an eligibility in all cases
and an absolute disqualification. If the unnecessary creation of
offices and the increase of salaries was the principal evil to be
anticipated, he believed that the door might be shut against that
abuse, and might properly be left open for the appointment of members
to places not affected by their own votes, as an encouragement to the
legislative service. But there were several of the stern patriots of
the Convention who insisted on a total exclusion, and who denied that
there was any such necessity for holding out inducements to enter the
legislature.[172] This was a question on which different minds, of
equal sagacity and equal purity, would naturally arrive at different
conclusions. Still, it is apparent that the mischiefs most apprehended
at the time of Mr. Madison's proposition would be in a great degree
prevented, by taking from the legislature the power of appointing to
office; and that this modification of the system was what was needed,
to make his plan a true remedy for the abuses that had been displayed
in our own experience. The stigma of venality cannot properly be
applied to the laudable ambition of rising into the honorable offices
of a free government; and if the opportunity to create places, or to
increase their emoluments, and then to secure those places, is taken
away, by vesting the appointment in the executive, the question turns
mainly on the relations that ought to exist between that department
and the legislature. But Mr. Madison's suggestion was made before it
was ascertained that the executive would have any power of
appointment, and it was accordingly rejected;--a majority of the
delegations considering it best to retain the ineligibility in all
cases, as proposed by the Virginia plan.[173] In this way, the
disqualification became incorporated into the first draft of the
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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