History of the Origin, Formation, and Adoption of the Constitution of the United States, Vol. 2: With Notices of Its Principle FramersCurtis, George Ticknor
History
History of the Origin, Formation, and Adoption of the Constitution of the United States, Vol. 2: With Notices of Its Principle Framers
Curtis, George Ticknor
Constitutional history -- United States
I have thus stated the principal points to which the
inquiries of the reader should be directed in investigating
the opinions of this great man, because I believe it to be
unjust to impute to him any other than a sincere desire for
the establishment and success of republican government. That
he desired a strong government, that he was little disposed
to dogmatize upon abstract theories of liberty, and that he
trusted more to experience than to hypothesis, may be safely
assumed. But that he ardently desired the success of that
republican freedom which is founded on a perfect equality of
rights among citizens, exclusive of hereditary distinctions,
is as certain as that he labored earnestly throughout his
life for the maxims, the doctrines, and the systems which he
believed most likely to secure for it a fair trial and
ultimate success. (See his description of his own opinions,
when writing of himself as a third person in 1792; Works,
VII. 52.)
That the system of government sketched by Hamilton was not
received by many of those who listened to him with
disapprobation on account of what has since been supposed its
_monarchical_ character, we may safely assume, on the
testimony of Dr. Johnson of Connecticut, one of the most
moderate men in the Convention. Contrasting the New Jersey
and Virginia plans, he is reported (by Yates) to have said:
"It appears to me that the Jersey plan has for its principal
object the preservation of the State governments. So far it
is a departure from the plan of Virginia, which, although it
concentrates in a distinct national government, is not
totally independent of that of the States. A gentleman from
New York, with boldness and decision, proposed a system
totally different from both; _and although he has been
praised by everybody_, he has been supported by none."
(Yates's Minutes, Elliot, I. 431.)
Even Luther Martin did not seem to regard the objects of what
he calls the monarchical party as being any worse, or more
dangerous to liberty, than the projects of those whom he
represents as aiming to obtain undue power and influence for
their own States, and whom at the same time he acquits of
monarchical designs or a desire to abolish the State
governments. The truth is, that nobody had any improper
purposes, or anything at heart but the liberties and
happiness of the people of America. We are not to try the
speculative views of men engaged in such discussions as these
by the charges or complaints elicited in the heats of
conflicting opinions and interests, inflamed by a zeal too
warm to admit the possibility of its own error, or to
perceive the wisdom and purity of an opponent.
FOOTNOTES:
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