History of the Thirty-Ninth Congress of the United StatesBarnes, William Horatio
History
History of the Thirty-Ninth Congress of the United States
Barnes, William Horatio
United States -- Politics and government -- 1865-1869; United States. Congress (39th : 1865-1867)
On a subsequent day, December 20, 1865, when this subject was again
before the Senate, Mr. Sumner spoke in its favor. Referring to the
message of the President on the "Condition of the Southern States,"
the Senator said:
"When I think of what occurred yesterday in this chamber; when I call
to mind the attempt to whitewash the unhappy condition of the rebel
States, and to throw the mantle of official oblivion over sickening
and heart-rending outrages, where human rights are sacrificed and
rebel barbarism receives a new letter of license, I feel that I ought
to speak of nothing else. I stood here years ago, in the days of
Kansas, when a small community was surrendered to the machinations of
slave-masters. I now stand here again, when, alas! an immense region,
with millions of people, has been surrendered to the machinations of
slave-masters. Sir, it is the duty of Congress to arrest this fatal
fury. Congress must dare to be brave; it must dare to be just."
After having quoted copiously from the great Russian act by which the
freedom given to the serfs by the Emperor's proclamation "was
secured," and having emphasized them as examples for American
legislation, Mr. Sumner said:
"My colleague is clearly right in introducing his bill and pressing it
to a vote. The argument for it is irresistible. It is essential to
complete emancipation. Without it emancipation will be only _half
done_. It is our duty to see that it is wholly done. Slavery must be
abolished not in form only, but in substance, so that there shall be
no black code; but all shall be equal before the law."
He then read extracts from letters and documents, showing the hostile
sentiments of the people, and the unhappy condition of the colored
population in nearly all of the rebel States, and closed by saying: "I
bring this plain story to a close. I regret that I have been
constrained to present it. I wish it were otherwise. But I should have
failed in duty had I failed to speak. Not in anger, not in vengeance,
not in harshness have I spoken; but solemnly, carefully, and for the
sake of my country and humanity, that peace and reconciliation may
again prevail. I have spoken especially for the loyal citizens who are
now trodden down by rebel power. You have before you the actual
condition of the rebel States. You have heard the terrible testimony.
The blood curdles at the thought of such enormities, and especially at
the thought that the poor freedmen, to whom we owe protection, are
left to the unrestrained will of such a people smarting with defeat,
and ready to wreak vengeance upon these representatives of a true
loyalty. In the name of God let us protect them. Insist upon
guarantees. Pass the bill now under consideration; pass any bill; but
do not let this crying injustice rage any longer. An avenging God can
not sleep while such things find countenance. If you are not ready to
be the Moses of an oppressed people, do not become its Pharaoh."
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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