History of the United States of America, Volume 1 (of 9) : $b During the first administration of Thomas JeffersonAdams, Henry
History
History of the United States of America, Volume 1 (of 9) : $b During the first administration of Thomas Jefferson
Adams, Henry
United States -- History -- 1801-1809; United States -- History -- 1809-1817
see its nobler side, to feel the beatings of a heart underneath the
sordid surface of a gross humanity, was not so easy. Europeans seemed
seldom or never conscious that the sentiment could possess a noble
side, but found only matter for complaint in the remark that every
American democrat believed himself to be working for the overthrow of
tyranny, aristocracy, hereditary privilege, and priesthood, wherever
they existed. Even where the American did not openly proclaim this
conviction in words, he carried so dense an atmosphere of the sentiment
with him in his daily life as to give respectable Europeans an uneasy
sense of remoteness.
Of all historical problems, the nature of a national character is
the most difficult and the most important. Readers will be troubled,
at almost every chapter of the coming narrative, by the want of some
formula to explain what share the popular imagination bore in the
system pursued by government. The acts of the American people during
the administrations of Jefferson and Madison were judged at the time
by no other test. According as bystanders believed American character
to be hard, sordid, and free from illusion, they were severe and
even harsh in judgment. This rule guided the governments of England
and France. Federalists in the United States, knowing more of the
circumstances, often attributed to the democratic instinct a visionary
quality which they regarded as sentimentality, and charged with many
bad consequences. If their view was correct, history could occupy
itself to no better purpose than in ascertaining the nature and force
of the quality which was charged with results so serious; but nothing
was more elusive than the spirit of American democracy. Jefferson, the
literary representative of the class, spoke chiefly for Virginians,
and dreaded so greatly his own reputation as a visionary that he seldom
or never uttered his whole thought. Gallatin and Madison were still
more cautious. The press in no country could give shape to a mental
condition so shadowy. The people themselves, although millions in
number, could not have expressed their finer instincts had they tried,
and might not have recognized them if expressed by others.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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