History of the United States of America, Volume 2 (of 9) : $b During the first administration of Thomas JeffersonAdams, Henry
History
History of the United States of America, Volume 2 (of 9) : $b During the first administration of Thomas Jefferson
Adams, Henry
United States -- History -- 1801-1809; United States -- History -- 1809-1817
These concluding words were the usual form in which men expressed
themselves when they intended to accept a challenge to a duel. At first
sight, no sufficient reason for accepting a challenge was shown by
Hamilton’s letter, which disavowed Dr. Cooper’s report so far as Burr
was warranted in claiming disavowal. Hamilton might without impropriety
have declined to give further satisfaction. In truth, not the personal
but the political quarrel drew him into the field; he knew that Burr
meant to challenge, not the man, but the future political chief, and
that an enemy so bent on rule must be met in the same spirit. Hamilton
fought to maintain his own right to leadership, so rudely disputed by
Burr, Pickering, and Griswold. He devoted some of his moments before
the duel to the task of explaining, in a formal document, that he
fought only to save his political influence.[122] “The ability to be
in future useful, whether in resisting mischief or effecting good, in
those crises of our public affairs which seem likely to happen, would
probably be inseparable from a conformity with public prejudice in this
particular.”
Always the crisis! Yet this crisis which brought Hamilton in July
to the duelling-ground at Weehawken was not the same as that which
Pickering and Griswold had so lately tried to create. Pickering’s
disunion scheme came to a natural end on Burr’s defeat in April.
The legislatures of the three Federalist States had met and done
nothing; all chance of immediate action was lost, and all parties,
including even Pickering and Griswold, had fallen back on their faith
in the “crisis”; but the difference of opinion between Hamilton and
the New Englanders was still well defined. Hamilton thought that
disunion, from a conservative standpoint, was a mistake; nearly all
the New Englanders, on the contrary, looked to ultimate disunion as a
conservative necessity. The last letter which Hamilton wrote, a few
hours before he left his house for the duelling-ground, was a short and
earnest warning against disunion, addressed to Theodore Sedgwick, one
of the sternest Massachusetts Federalists of Pickering’s class.[123]
“Dismemberment of our empire,” said Hamilton, “will be a
clear sacrifice of great positive advantages, without any
counterbalancing good; administering no relief to our real
disease, which is _democracy_,--the poison of which, by a
subdivision, will only be the more concentred in each part, and
consequently the more virulent.”
The New Englanders thought this argument unsound, as it certainly
was; for a dissolution of the American Union would have struck a blow
more nearly fatal to democracy throughout the world than any other
“crisis” that man could have compassed. Yet the argument showed that
had Hamilton survived, he would probably have separated from his New
England allies, and at last, like his friends Rufus King and Oliver
Wolcott, would have accepted the American world as it was.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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