History of the United States of America, Volume 2 (of 9) : $b During the first administration of Thomas JeffersonAdams, Henry
History
History of the United States of America, Volume 2 (of 9) : $b During the first administration of Thomas Jefferson
Adams, Henry
United States -- History -- 1801-1809; United States -- History -- 1809-1817
“I wish to have your Excellency’s answer as quickly as possible,
as on Tuesday I send a courier with circular letters to all our
consuls in the ports of Spain, stating to them the critical
situation of things between Spain and the United States, the
probability of a speedy and serious misunderstanding, and
directing them to give notice thereof to all our citizens;
advising them so to arrange and prepare their affairs as to
be able to move off within the time limited by the treaty,
should things end as I now expect. I am also preparing the
same information for the commander of our squadron in the
Mediterranean, for his own notice and government, and that of
all the American merchant-vessels he may meet.”
Cevallos immediately answered[193] that as he could not comprehend
the motive for “breaking out in the decisions, not to say threats,”
of this letter, or how it was possible that Pinckney could have
the authority of his government for such conduct, he should by
the King’s order transfer the negotiation to Washington. Pinckney
rejoined by despatching his circular letter, which created a panic
in the Mediterranean. He then informed Cevallos that so soon as his
affairs could be arranged, he should send for his passports and quit
Madrid.[194]
Although this step was in the highest degree improper, Pinckney had
some excuse for his conduct. Left without instructions in the face of
an emergency which might have been foreseen at Washington, he argued
that his government, which had officially annexed West Florida, meant
to support its acts with a strong hand. He thought that the issue
presented by Cevallos was such as the President was bound to take
up, and he knew that the only chance of carrying the points which
the President had at heart was in energetic action. For three years
he had watched the peremptory tone of France and England at Madrid,
and had been assured by the common voice of his diplomatic colleagues
that threats alone could extort action from the Spanish government. He
had seen the Prince of Peace, after resorting to one subterfuge after
another, repeatedly forced to cower before the two great robbers who
were plundering Spain, and he explained to Madison the necessity of
imitating their example if the President meant that Spain should cower
before the United States. Perhaps he felt that Godoy looked on the
President at Washington as the jackal of Bonaparte, and he may have
wished to prove that America could act alone. His eager ambition to
make himself as important as the representatives of France and England
in the eyes of Europe might imply vanity, but rested also on logic.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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