History of the United States of America, Volume 3 (of 9) : $b During the second administration of Thomas JeffersonAdams, Henry
History
History of the United States of America, Volume 3 (of 9) : $b During the second administration of Thomas Jefferson
Adams, Henry
United States -- History -- 1801-1809; United States -- History -- 1809-1817
The more closely Ouvrard’s scheme was brought to light, the more
clearly it seemed to take the form of an intrigue or a job. The
notorious corruption that surrounded Talleyrand explained the favor
shown it by the French Foreign Office; but neither the Emperor of
France nor the King of Spain was ruled in such matters by subordinates,
and Armstrong began to feel the error of making his own Government
the instrument of Ouvrard’s speculations. Too deeply involved to
draw back he took refuge in caution, and said even to the Secretary
of State as little as he could. Above all, he avoided reference to
possible corruption involved in the bargain. His colleague Bowdoin,
whose garrulity had already annoyed him, did not imitate Armstrong’s
reticence, but wrote to the President the facts which Jefferson least
cared to know. The profits on the Louisiana stock, he said,[269] had
stimulated jobbery; fifteen per cent discount on one million seven
hundred and ten thousand dollars had been divided among the individuals
concerned. The two Floridas were offered by Daniel Parker, agent of
the Hopes in Amsterdam, who came with a letter of recommendation from
Labouchere, Sir Francis Baring’s son-in-law, and who held or pretended
to hold powers of transfer from the Prince of Peace. The highest point
to which the propositions could be traced was to one Cazeneau, Parker’s
friend, who lived in Talleyrand’s house. Some time afterward Bowdoin
added[270] that a new negotiator had appeared,--a former private
secretary to Talleyrand,--a M. Dautremont, who came to Skipwith, the
American consul at Paris, and after explaining that the X. Y. Z.
business and the jealousy of the American government had caused much
uneasiness in matters of this delicate nature, suggested that other
means less exposed than money to observation might be devised. He
thought well of land-grants to Talleyrand’s brother, in which Skipwith
might take a share.
With so many different persons and interests involved in the Floridas
and the claims, Armstrong might feel confident that a single rebuff
from the Emperor would not end the matter. After a few weeks Talleyrand
quietly instigated the American minister to renew his request, which
was done by a note of May 25;[271] and May 28 Armstrong received
in reply an official assurance of “his Majesty’s wishes to see the
controversy amicably terminated, and his readiness to lend himself to
that object.” Talleyrand was not only in earnest but in haste; for on
the same day, May 28, he wrote to M. de Vandeul, who was in charge
of the French embassy at Madrid, a cautious letter of instructions.
The United States government, he said,[272] seemed disposed to renew
negotiations with Spain. He ran over the points in dispute, and
sketched the outlines of an arrangement, including the cession of West
Florida.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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