History of the United States of America, Volume 3 (of 9) : $b During the second administration of Thomas JeffersonAdams, Henry
History
History of the United States of America, Volume 3 (of 9) : $b During the second administration of Thomas Jefferson
Adams, Henry
United States -- History -- 1801-1809; United States -- History -- 1809-1817
“His Majesty would be pained to remark that the United States,
to whose prosperity France has at all times contributed,--that
Spain, in whom she takes a like interest,--should revive in
America quarrels that are beginning to slumber in Europe.
The United States, which owe their fortune to commerce, are
interested in peace; they have reason to wish it with their
neighbors; and if, comparing their force with that of a colony,
they can promise themselves success at first, they can also
bear in mind (_reconnaître_) that the colonies are not
alone, and that Europe has always gone to their aid. Take care,
sir, to maintain the United States in the views of conciliation
with which the news of the events of the last campaign may have
inspired them. A sense of their true interests would suffice
to make them true to this disposition, even though they had
not bound themselves to it by the demand they have made on his
Majesty the Emperor to intervene in their discussions with
Spain, and to employ his good offices for the re-establishment
of a perfect harmony between the two Powers. His Majesty,
without putting himself forward as mediator in circumstances
where other interests, which directly concern his empire, ought
to fix his whole attention, will regard whatever the United
States and Spain may do toward a reconciliation as an evidence
of friendship toward himself.”
Sept. 25, 1806, the Emperor returned to Germany to begin a war with
Prussia which was to lead him far. His departure put an end to
whatever hopes Armstrong still cherished, while it left the United
States in a mortifying attitude. After having been defied by Spain,
Jefferson found himself deluded by France. No imagination could
conceive the purpose for which Napoleon meant to use the United States
government; but that he had some scheme, to which President Jefferson
must be made subservient, was clear. Armstrong tried in vain to
penetrate the mystery. Whatever it might be, it was as yet hidden in
the recesses of Napoleon’s mind.
No sooner had the Emperor left Paris than the American minister,
September 30, wrote a note of inquiry to Izquierdo, who replied in
substance that his powers had been suspended or recalled. Nothing
remained but for Armstrong to inform the President of all the facts
connected with the failure of his negotiation, and then to wait at
Paris, with what patience he could command, for the moment when
Napoleon should consent to reveal the meaning of these mysterious
manœuvres. Yet in diplomacy as in war, nations were commonly lost
when they allowed Napoleon to take the initiative, and to choose his
own time and place for attack. The United States government had every
reason to be on its guard.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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