History of the United States of America, Volume 3 (of 9) : $b During the second administration of Thomas JeffersonAdams, Henry
History
History of the United States of America, Volume 3 (of 9) : $b During the second administration of Thomas Jefferson
Adams, Henry
United States -- History -- 1801-1809; United States -- History -- 1809-1817
The 1st of May arrived. Three months had passed since the new Ministry
took office, yet nothing had been publicly done to satisfy the United
States. The reason was well known. Fox was obliged to overcome many
kinds of opposition both in and out of the Cabinet. The West Indian
colonies, the royal navy, the mercantile shipping interest, the Tory
country gentlemen, and the Court were all opposed to concessions, and
only the Treasury favored them. To increase Fox’s difficulties, news
began to arrive from the United States of the debate in Congress on the
Non-importation Act, of the loose talk of Congressmen and the vaporings
of the press; and to crown all came the story that the mob of New York
had taken the punishment of Pierce’s manslaughter into its own hands.
The English people honestly believed the Americans to be cheating
them in the matter of the colonial trade; they suspected that their
Yankee cousins were shrewd, and they could plainly see that Jefferson
and Congress were trying to hide behind the shadow of Napoleon.
Non-importation and commercial restriction had no other object than to
give England the alternative of surrendering either to France or to
America what she believed to be the price of her existence without the
chance of fighting for it. Two thirds of the British people understood
the Non-importation Act as a threat,--as though the Americans said,
“Surrender to us your commerce and your shipping, or surrender your
liberties to France.”
Whatever were the faults or sins of England, they were at least such
as Americans could understand. Her Government was guided, as a rule,
by interests which were public, permanent, and easily measured. The
weight of interests which had driven Pitt into his assault on American
commerce was not lessened by the death of Pitt or by the return of Lord
Grenville to power. On every side Fox found these interests active
in opposition and earnest in pressing arguments against concession.
Englishmen were used to giving and receiving hard blows. Seldom long
at peace, they had won whatever was theirs by creating a national
character in which personal courage was as marked a quality as
selfishness; for in their situation no other than a somewhat brutal
energy could have secured success. They knew what to think of war, and
could measure with some approach to exactness its probable costs and
returns, but they were quite unused to being conquered by peace; and
they listened with as much contempt as anger to the American theory
that England must surrender at discretion if Americans should refuse
any longer to buy woollen shirts and tin kettles. Englishmen asked only
whether America would fight, and they took some pains to make inquiries
on that point; but it happened that of all the points in question
this, which to Englishmen was alone decisive, could be answered in
a syllable: No! America would not fight. The President, Congress,
the press of both parties in the United States agreed only in this
particular.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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