History of the United States of America, Volume 3 (of 9) : $b During the second administration of Thomas JeffersonAdams, Henry
History
History of the United States of America, Volume 3 (of 9) : $b During the second administration of Thomas Jefferson
Adams, Henry
United States -- History -- 1801-1809; United States -- History -- 1809-1817
In studying “the effect which the strong language toward Spain was
meant to produce at the Tuileries,” Jefferson had in mind the effect
which his strong language produced at the Tuileries in 1803. He
played a game of finesse hardly safe in the face of men like Godoy,
Talleyrand, and Napoleon, whose finesse was chiefly used to cover
force, and was not betrayed or derided by factious opposition in the
press. Besides being unsafe, it was unfair to himself. Jefferson was an
honest man, and in putting on the outward appearance of a Talleyrand,
he resembled an amateur imitating Talma and Garrick. Gestures and tones
alike were unnatural, awkward, and false; they exposed him to ridicule.
If President Jefferson had taken the public into his confidence,
he would have told the people that under no circumstances would he
consent to war; but that if the great Powers of Europe combined to
injure America, she would close her ports, abandon her commerce, shut
herself within her own continent, and let the world outside murder
and rob elsewhere. Such an avowal implied no disgrace; the policy it
proclaimed was the alternative to war; and as the radical doctrine of
the Republican party, the course was not only that which Jefferson
meant to take, but it was that which he took. The avowal might have
invited aggression, and have been followed by failure; but he would
have done better to fail on a direct issue of principle, than to fail
after evading the issue until the issue itself was lost.
To carry out his scheme, the President put forward two policies,--a
public and a secret; or, as he called it, an ostensible and a real one.
The warlike recommendations of the Annual Message were the public
and ostensible policy; the real one was to be expressed in a secret
message, announced in advance. To this coming message the President
next turned his attention; but he found himself quickly involved in
complications of his own creating. He had not only to recommend a
double series of measures to Congress, but he had to frame a double
series of replies which Congress was to return to him. He tried at
first to combine the two answers in one. After writing a secret message
asking for money to buy Florida, he drafted a series of Resolutions[96]
which Congress was to adopt in reply to both messages at once, and
in which “the citizens of the United States, by their Senate and
Representatives in Congress assembled, do pledge their lives and
fortunes” to maintain the line of the Sabine and the free navigation
of the Mobile, pending negotiations, while the President should be
authorized to take whatever unappropriated moneys might lie in the
Treasury in order to carry these Resolutions into effect.
Clearly this would not do; and Gallatin undertook to set the matter
right.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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