History of the United States of America, Volume 4 (of 9) : $b During the second administration of Thomas JeffersonAdams, Henry
History
History of the United States of America, Volume 4 (of 9) : $b During the second administration of Thomas Jefferson
Adams, Henry
United States -- History -- 1801-1809; United States -- History -- 1809-1817
The loss of this debate was unfortunate; for no private citizen ever
knew the reasons which Congress considered sufficient to warrant a
strain of the Constitution so violent as a permanent embargo implied.
The debate was certainly dramatic: it was not only the first great
political crisis witnessed in the new scenery of the Representatives’
Chamber, but it also brought John Randolph forward in an attitude
which astonished even those who had witnessed the Virginian’s growing
eccentricity. On Friday Randolph “scrambled” with Crowninshield for
the floor, eager to force on the House a policy of embargo which he
had again and again recommended as the only proper measure of national
defence. On Saturday he rose again, but only to denounce his own
measure as one that crouched to the insolent mandates of Napoleon, and
led to immediate war with England.[138] The cry of French influence,
raised by him and by the Federalist members, began on that day, and
echoed in louder and louder tones for years.
On Monday, December 21, the debate closed, and the House consumed
the day in voting. Amendment after amendment was rejected. Most
significant of all these votes was the list of yeas and nays on the
question of limiting the embargo to the term of two months. Forty-six
members voted in the affirmative; eighty-two in the negative. The New
England and Pennsylvania Democrats obeyed the wishes of Jefferson, and
riveted a permanent embargo on the people, without public discussion of
the principle or explanation of the effect which was expected from a
measure more trying than war itself to patriotism. The bill then passed
by a vote of eighty-two to forty-four.
So small a part was played in this debate by the expected Order in
Council that members afterward disputed whether the subject was
mentioned at all. Probably the Administration preferred silence in
public, either for fear of prejudicing the expected negotiation with
Rose, or of weakening the effect of arguments which without the order
were sufficiently strong; but in private no such reticence was shown.
The British minister on Monday, before the bill had become law,
notified Canning not only that an embargo was about to be laid, but of
the cause which produced the measure:[139]--
“It has been confidentially communicated to me that an embargo on
all the shipping in the United States has been proposed in Congress,
and although it is strongly resisted, it is expected that it will
be carried, on the ground of expecting that a proclamation by his
Majesty will be issued declaring France and her dependencies in a
state of blockade. I hasten to send you this letter for fear of the
effect of an embargo.”
The person from whom Erskine received this confidential communication
was probably the Secretary of State; for two days afterward, when
the British minister wrote to say that the embargo had been laid, he
added:[140]--
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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