History of the United States of America, Volume 4 (of 9) : $b During the second administration of Thomas JeffersonAdams, Henry
History
History of the United States of America, Volume 4 (of 9) : $b During the second administration of Thomas Jefferson
Adams, Henry
United States -- History -- 1801-1809; United States -- History -- 1809-1817
“I conceive that great advantages may be reaped from it by England,”
wrote Erskine,[375] “as she has the command of the seas, and can
procure through neutrals any of the produce of this country, besides
the immense quantity which will be brought direct to Great Britain
under various pretences; whereas France will obtain but little, at a
great expense and risk.”
Such a non-intercourse merely sanctioned smuggling, and was intended
for no other purpose. Gallatin in his disgust flung open the doors
to illicit commerce. When Erskine went to him to ask what was meant
by “France, England, and their dependencies,” Gallatin replied that
only places in actual possession of England and France were intended;
that it was impossible to say what nations had decrees in force
infringing neutral rights, but that even Holland would be considered
an independent country.[376]
“The intention of this indefinite description,” continued Erskine,
“is undoubtedly to leave open as many places for their commerce as
they can, consistently with keeping up an appearance of resistance to
the belligerent restrictions; but it is thoroughly understood that
the whole measure is a mere subterfuge to extricate themselves from
the embarrassments of the embargo system, and is never intended to be
enforced.”
When this bill came before the House, another long debate arose.
Hardly a trace of national pride remained. No one approved the bill,
but no one struggled longer against submission. Josiah Quincy and
many of the Federalists held that the surrender was not yet complete
enough, and that total submission to Great Britain must precede the
return of Massachusetts to harmony with the Union, or to a share in
measures of government. His words were worth noting:--
“He wished peace if possible; if war, union in that war. For this
reason he wished a negotiation to be opened, unshackled with those
impediments to it which now existed. As long as they remained, the
people in the portion of country whence he came would not deem an
unsuccessful attempt at negotiation to be cause for war. If they were
removed, and an earnest attempt at negotiation was made, unimpeded
with these restrictions, and should not meet with success, they would
join heartily in a war.”
Doubtless Quincy believed the truth of what he said; but as though to
prove him mistaken in claiming even the modest amount of patriotism
which he asserted for his party, Barent Gardenier immediately followed
with a declaration that Great Britain was wholly in the right, and
that America should not only submit to the Orders in Council, but
should take pride in submission:--
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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