History of the United States of America, Volume 4 (of 9) : $b During the second administration of Thomas JeffersonAdams, Henry
History
History of the United States of America, Volume 4 (of 9) : $b During the second administration of Thomas Jefferson
Adams, Henry
United States -- History -- 1801-1809; United States -- History -- 1809-1817
The exceptions, the qualifications, and the verbiage of the British
Orders need no notice. The ablest British merchants gave up in despair
the attempt to understand them; and as one order followed rapidly
upon another, explaining, correcting, and developing Perceval’s not
too lucid style, the angry Liberals declared their belief that he
intended no man to understand them without paying two guineas for a
legal opinion, with the benefit of a chance to get a directly contrary
opinion for the sum of two guineas more.[80] Besides the express
provisions contained in the Order of November 11, it was understood
that American commerce with the enemies of England must not only pass
through British ports with British license, but that colonial produce
would be made to pay a tax to the British Treasury to enhance its
price, while cotton would not be allowed to enter France.
The general intention, however confused, was simple. After November
11, 1807, any American vessel carrying any cargo was liable to capture
if it sailed for any port in Europe from which the British flag was
excluded. In other words, American commerce was made English.
This measure completed, diplomacy was to resume its work. Even
Canning’s audacity might be staggered to explain how the government
of the United States could evade war after it should fairly understand
the impressment Proclamation of October 17, the Order in Council of
November 11, and the Instructions of George Henry Rose,--who was
selected by Canning as his special envoy for the adjustment of the
“Leopard’s” attack on the “Chesapeake,” and who carried orders which
made adjustment impossible. Such outrages could be perpetrated only
upon a helpless people. Even in England, where Jefferson’s pacific
policy was well understood, few men believed that peace could be longer
preserved.
FOOTNOTES:
[56] See vol. iii. p. 416.
[57] Cobbett’s Debates, Feb. 4, 1807, viii. 620-656.
[58] Napoleon to Champagny, Aug. 19, 1807; Correspondance, xv. 509.
[59] Same to Same, Aug. 24, 1807; Ibid., p. 542.
[60] Parliamentary Inquiry, 1808; Evidence of Robert Shedden and Mr.
Hadley.
[61] Castlereagh to Perceval, Oct. 1, 1807; Castlereagh Correspondence,
viii. 87.
[62] Original Suggestions to the Cabinet, Oct. 12, 1807; Perceval MSS.
[63] Opinion of the Duke of Portland; Perceval MSS.
[64] Stapleton’s Canning, p. 411.
[65] Opinion of the Earl of Westmoreland; Perceval MSS.
[66] Opinion of Lord Hawkesbury; Perceval MSS.
[67] Opinion of Lord Castlereagh; Perceval MSS.
[68] Opinion of Mr. Canning; Perceval MSS.
[69] First Draft of Orders in Council, with remarks by Earl Bathurst;
Perceval MSS.
[70] Opinion of Lord Bathurst in dissent to the Principle of Mr.
Perceval’s proposed Order; Perceval MSS.
[71] Lord Bathurst to Spencer Perceval, Nov. 5, 1807; Perceval MSS.
[72] Spencer Perceval to Speaker Abbot; Diary and Correspondence of
Lord Colchester, ii. 134.
[73] Erskine to Madison, Feb. 23, 1808; State Papers, iii. 209.
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