History of the United States of America, Volume 4 (of 9) : $b During the second administration of Thomas JeffersonAdams, Henry
History
History of the United States of America, Volume 4 (of 9) : $b During the second administration of Thomas Jefferson
Adams, Henry
United States -- History -- 1801-1809; United States -- History -- 1809-1817
In the face of these alarming events, it had been thought better to
concentrate all defensive resources on New York, Charleston, and New
Orleans; to purchase such military stores as were wanted in excess
of the supply on hand; to call all the gunboats into service, and to
warn the States to be ready with their quotas of militia. “Whether a
regular army is to be raised, and to what extent, must depend on the
information so shortly expected.”
If this language had the meaning which in other times and countries
would have been taken for granted, it implied a resort to measures of
force against foreign aggressions; yet neither the President nor his
party intended the use of force, except for self-defence in case of
actual invasion. The Message was, in reality, silent in regard to peace
and war. The time had not yet come for avowing a policy; but even had
the crisis been actually at hand, Jefferson would not have assumed the
responsibility of pointing out a policy to Congress. The influence he
exerted could rarely be seen in his official and public language; it
took shape in private, in the incessant talk that went on, without
witnesses, at the White House.
More pointed than the allusion to England was the menace to
Chief-Justice Marshall. The threat against the court, which the
President made in the summer, reappeared in the Message as a distinct
invitation to Congress.
“I shall think it my duty to lay before you the proceedings and the
evidence publicly exhibited on the arraignment of the principal
offenders before the Circuit Court of Virginia. You will be enabled
to judge whether the defect was in the testimony or in the law, or in
the administration of the law; and wherever it shall be found, the
Legislature alone can apply or originate the remedy. The framers of
our Constitution certainly supposed they had guarded as well their
government against destruction by treason, as their citizens against
oppression under pretence of it; and if these ends are not attained,
it is important to inquire by what means more effectual they may be
secured.”
This strong hint was quickly followed up. Burr’s trial at Richmond had
hardly closed when the President sent this Message to Congress; and
within another month, November 23, another Message was sent, conveying
a copy of the evidence and judicial opinions given at the trial, on
which Congressional action might be taken.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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