History of the United States of America, Volume 5 (of 9) : $b During the first administration of James MadisonAdams, Henry
History
History of the United States of America, Volume 5 (of 9) : $b During the first administration of James Madison
Adams, Henry
United States -- History -- 1801-1809; United States -- History -- 1809-1817
To the first objection, founded on the Rambouillet and Bayonne
Decrees, Barlow replied that the American government had habitually
distinguished between maritime edicts violating neutral rights
and municipal edicts attacking private property. “We could not in
strictness arraign such municipal spoliations under the head of
violations of our _neutral_ rights, nor of consequence regard
them as contemplated by the Acts of Congress defining the acts
whose revocation would satisfy the conditions of that Act.” This
reasoning, though not quite convincing, might have had weight but for
two objections. First, the President himself, in June and July, had
declared these municipal spoliations to be contemplated by Macon’s Act
as “an indispensable evidence of the just purpose of France;”[255]
and, second, the President in November notified Armstrong, that,[256]
“in issuing the proclamation, it has been presumed that the requisition
contained in that letter [of July 5] on the subject of the sequestered
property will have been satisfied.” Barlow’s idea of a municipal
spoliation, independent of the _jus gentium_, was an afterthought
intended to hide a miscalculation.
One other argument was advanced by Barlow. Erskine’s arrangement having
been accepted without question of previous British spoliations, not
only did impartiality require the same treatment for France, but a
different rule “would have led to the embarrassment of obliging the
Executive, in case the British government should be desirous of opening
a free trade with the United States by repealing its orders, to make
it a prerequisite that Great Britain also should indemnify for her
respective spoliations.”
Such a prerequisite would have been proper, and ought to have been
imposed; but Barlow’s argument was again answered by the President
himself, who actually insisted on the demand against France, and
assumed the demand to be satisfied. If this was partiality to England,
the President was guilty of it. Probably at the time he saw reasons for
thinking otherwise. The secrecy, the continuance, the pretext of the
French seizures, their municipal and vindictive character and direct
Imperial agency seemed to set them apart from those of England, which,
although equally illegal, were always in the form of lawful trial and
condemnation.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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