History of the United States of America, Volume 5 (of 9) : $b During the first administration of James MadisonAdams, Henry
History
History of the United States of America, Volume 5 (of 9) : $b During the first administration of James Madison
Adams, Henry
United States -- History -- 1801-1809; United States -- History -- 1809-1817
Congress approved this opinion, which was in truth neither weaker nor
stronger than the arguments by which the Louisiana purchase itself had
been sustained. Fate willed that every measure connected with that
territory should be imbued with the same spirit of force or fraud which
tainted its title. The Southern States needed the Floridas, and cared
little what law might be cited to warrant seizing them; yet a Virginia
Republican should have been startled at learning that after October,
1803, every President, past or to come, had the right to march the
army or send the navy of the United States at any time to occupy not
only West Florida, but also Texas and Oregon, as far as the North Pole
itself, since they claimed it all, except the Russian possessions, as a
part of the Louisiana purchase, with more reason than they claimed West
Florida.
As usual, the most pungent critic of Republican doctrines was
Senator Pickering, who if he could not convince, could always annoy
the majority. He replied to Clay, and in the course of his speech
read Talleyrand’s letter of Dec. 21, 1804, which put an end to
Monroe’s attempt to include West Florida in the Louisiana purchase.
Nothing could be more apt; but nothing could be more annoying to
the Administration, for Talleyrand’s letter was still secret.
Confidentially communicated with other papers to Congress by Jefferson,
Dec. 6, 1805, the injunction of secrecy had never been removed, and the
publication tended to throw contempt on Madison not only for his past
but particularly for his present dalliance with Napoleon. Pickering
could charge, with more than usual appearance of probability, that West
Florida was to be Madison’s reward for accepting the plainly deceptive
pledge of Cadore’s letter of August 5. The Senate, with some doubts,
resented Pickering’s conduct to a moderate extent. Samuel Smith moved
it to be “a palpable violation of the rules;” and with the omission
of “palpable,” the resolution was adopted. The deference to Executive
authority which allowed so important a paper to be suppressed for five
years showed more political sagacity than was proved in censuring
Pickering by a party vote, which he would regard as a compliment,
because he read a document that the Administration should have been
ashamed not to publish and resent.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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