History of the United States of America, Volume 8 (of 9) : $b During the second administration of James MadisonAdams, Henry
History
History of the United States of America, Volume 8 (of 9) : $b During the second administration of James Madison
Adams, Henry
United States -- History -- 1801-1809; United States -- History -- 1809-1817
Without a tender-law the Virginia scheme would hardly answer the
purposes required, since the government must restrain the issue of
paper within a limit too narrow for usefulness. Dallas did not press
this point, but developed his own scheme, which required, like that of
Eppes, a duplication of taxes to produce twenty-one million dollars,
and the creation of a national Bank with a capital of fifty million
dollars.
Either Eppes’s or Dallas’s plan might answer the immediate object
of providing a currency, and both required the exercise of implied
powers by Congress. Apparently Congress had only to choose, but in
truth choice was most difficult. The House readily adopted Dallas’s
recommendation in principle, and voted, October 24, by sixty-six to
forty, that it was expedient to establish a national Bank; but the
problem of establishing a specie-paying bank without specie passed
its powers. Dallas abandoned the attempt at the outset. He proposed a
bank of fifty millions capital, of which forty-four millions might be
subscribed in government bonds and Treasury notes, and six millions in
coin. The bank was at once to lend to government thirty millions,--of
course in bank-notes,--and no one denied that an immediate suspension
of specie payments must follow such an issue. To any bank, strong or
weak, the old Virginia influence represented by Eppes was hostile; and
to a bank insolvent from the start the Federalists also were opposed.
When the bill, reported November 7, was printed, it was found to
contain a provision authorizing the suspension of specie payments at
the President’s discretion. The discussion began November 14, and
every successive day revealed objections and increased the opposition.
Calhoun complicated the subject still further by bringing forward,
November 16, a plan of his own, requiring the capital to consist “one
tenth in specie, and the remainder in specie or in Treasury notes to
be hereafter issued,” and taking away all government control. Ingham
of Pennsylvania, representing Dallas, combated Calhoun with force, but
could not make his own measure agreeable to the House. His phrase in
regard to the suspension of specie payments was significant. Congress,
he said, would be to blame for “frantic enthusiasm” if it did not
provide for the case. “It may happen, and probably will happen, that
their specie payments cannot be continued, and what will then be
the situation of the bank? Failing to fulfil the purposes designed,
its credit is blighted, its operations are stopped, and its charter
violated; and if this should take place before your Treasury notes are
sold, the government will scarce obtain a moment’s relief.” That the
new bank could not pay specie was obvious. The Bank of England itself
could not pay specie, and had not attempted to do so for nearly twenty
years.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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