Women -- Suffrage -- History; Women -- Suffrage -- United States -- History; Women's rights -- History; Women's rights -- United States -- History
Mr. SUMNER: Before this petition passes out of sight I wish to
make one observation, and only one. The Senator from Missouri
began by an allusion to myself and to a remark which fell from me
when I presented the other day a petition from women of the
United States praying for the ballot. I took occasion then to
remark that in my opinion the petition at that time was not
judicious. That was all that I said. I did not undertake to
express my opinion on the great question whether women should
vote or should not vote. I did venture to say that in my opinion
it was not judicious for them at this moment to bring forward
their claims so as to compromise in any way the great question of
equal rights for an enfranchised race now before Congress. The
Senator has quoted a letter suggesting that I did not present the
petition in a creditable way. I have now to felicitate my
excellent friend on the creditable way in which he has performed
his duty. [Laughter].
Mr. YATES: Allow me to say that I think the two gentlemen, one of
whom has arrived at the age of forty-nine and the other
sixty-three, have no right to discuss the question of women's
rights in the Senate. [Laughter].
The PRESIDENT _pro tem._: Will the Senator from Missouri suggest
the disposition he wishes made of this petition?
Mr. HENDERSON: Let it lie on the table.
The PRESIDENT _pro tem._: That order will be made.
The wriggling, the twisting, the squirming of the Republicans at this
crisis under the double fire of the Democrats and the women, would
have been laughable, had not their proposed action been so
outrageously unjust and ungrateful. The tone of the Republican
press[53] was stale, flat, and unprofitable. But while their journals
were thus unsparing in their ridicule and criticism of the loyal women
who had proved themselves so patriotic and self-sacrificing, they
would grant them no space in their columns to reply.[54]
The second session of the Thirty-ninth Congress is memorable for an
able debate in the Senate on the enfranchisement of woman, on the
bill[55] "to regulate the franchise in the District of Columbia,"
which proposed extending the suffrage to the "males" of the colored
race. On Monday, December 10, 1866, Senator Cowan, of Pennsylvania,
moved to amend the amendment by striking out the word "male" before
the word person. This debate in the Senate lasted three entire days,
and during that time the comments of the press were as varied as they
were multitudinous. Even Horace Greeley,[56] who had ever been a true
friend to woman, in favor of all her rights, industrial, educational,
and political, said the time had not yet come for her enfranchisement.
From _The Congressional Globe_ of December 11th, 12th, 13th, 1866, we
give the debates on Mr. Cowan's amendment. In moving to drop the word
"male" from the District of Columbia Suffrage bill, he said:
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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