Women -- Suffrage -- History; Women -- Suffrage -- United States -- History; Women's rights -- History; Women's rights -- United States -- History
We, the inheritors of a sublime truth, have been grievously
wanting in faith in our heritage!--wanting in aim and purpose to
maintain its integrity! No wonder the land is still washed with
tears of the widowed and fatherless, and that stricken mothers
refuse to be comforted. Give us a living principle to die for.
"Make this a war for emancipation!" cries anti-slavery England,
"and our sympathies will be with you!" They demand much; but,
that demand granted, it yet falls infinitely below the real point
at issue. It is immeasurably short of the great conflict which we
are actually waging. It is one phase of it,--the most acute
phase, undoubtedly; but not, therefore, the broadest and most
momentous one. Slavery was the peculiar institution of the South;
but we, as a nation, have an incomparably greater peculiar
institution of our own. The one is only peculiarly exceptional to
our general policy; the other is essentially and organically at
war with it. It is the only thing which pointedly distinguishes
us from a dozen other nations. The consent of the governed is the
sole, legitimate authority of any government! This is the
essential, peculiar creed of our republic. That principle is on
one side of this war; and the old doctrine of might makes right,
the necessary ground-work of all monarchies, is on the other. It
is a life-and-death conflict between all those grand, universal,
man-respecting principles, which we call by the comprehensive
term democracy, and all those partial, person-respecting,
class-favoring elements which we group together under that
silver-slippered word aristocracy. If this war does not mean
that, it means nothing.
Slavery is malignantly aristocratic, and seems therefore to
absorb all other manifestations of the principle into itself. It
is Pharaoh's lean kine, which devour all the others of their
species, and yet are no better favored than before. But if
slavery were dead to-day, aristocracy might still grind our
republic to powder. Men may cease to be slaves, and yet not be
enfranchised. Although they are no longer bondmen, yet they may
be governed without their own consent. But when you deny the
universal enfranchisement of our people, you deny the one
distinctive principle of our Government, and the only essential,
fore-ordained fact in the future of our national institutions. We
do not at all comprehend this.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
Reviews
Reviews
No reviews yet
Be the first to share your thoughts on this work.
Elsewhere in the archive
Join the Discussion
Join the discussion
Sign in to leave a comment or review.
Sign InorCreate an account