Homestead : $b A complete history of the struggle of July, 1892, between the Carnegie-Steel Company, Limited, and the Amalgamated Association of Iron and Steel WorkersBurgoyne, Arthur Gordon
History
Homestead : $b A complete history of the struggle of July, 1892, between the Carnegie-Steel Company, Limited, and the Amalgamated Association of Iron and Steel Workers
Burgoyne, Arthur Gordon
Homestead Strike, Homestead, Pa., 1892
The anarchists, Carl Knold and Henry Bauer, whose arrest in connection
with Berkman's attempt on the life of Mr. Frick was mentioned in an
earlier chapter, were brought to trial a few days before Hugh O'Donnell
on indictments charging them with conspiracy and with being accessories
to Berkman's crime. It was shown that Berkman was harbored by Knold at
the residence of Paul Eckert, in Allegheny City, a rendezvous for
anarchists; that the anarchist circulars distributed at Homestead were
printed at Eckert's and taken to Homestead by Bauer and Knold, and that
the two defendants had counseled and guided Berkman in his assault on
the Carnegie chairman. Berkman was brought in from the penitentiary to
testify, but proved a recalcitrant witness. The solitary sensational
feature of the trial was a speech delivered by Colonel W. D. Moore,
counsel for the defense, in which he lauded the doctrine of anarchy and
traced its origin back to the Redeemer of Mankind. Judge Slagle, in his
charge to the jury, expressed profound regret at the enunciation of such
objectionable views by a member of the legal profession. Bauer and Knold
were found guilty on both indictments and sentenced five years to the
penitentiary. At the same time the rioters arrested at Duquesne during
the strike at that place were sentenced to the work-house for terms
ranging from two to six months.
CONCLUSION.
Although ignobly routed in the courts, the Carnegie Company lost not a
foot of the ground gained at Homestead. On the contrary, it has since
doubly re-inforced itself, for not only is the spirit of unionism
stamped out among the employees of the firm, but fully three-fourths of
the former union men are now working, most of them at their old jobs,
without exhibiting a trace of the independence which was once their
pride, or making any pretensions to a voice in the determination of
their wages.
The re-employment of so many of the old hands was one of the fruits of
the substitution of Mr. Schwab for Mr. Potter as general superintendent.
Mr. Potter, having received the non-union men who came in during the
strike and guaranteed them permanent work, would have become a
stumbling-block when the time arrived for treating with the defeated
union men and was, therefore, removed just before the crisis came. Mr.
Schwab was bound by no pledges of his own and refused to recognize those
made by his predecessor. Hence but a short time elapsed after the
collapse of the strike until most of the green hands were discharged and
their places filled by ex-strikers, whose experience rendered their
services almost indispensable.
The active leaders of the strike were, of course, excluded from the
amnesty, and few of them have since been able to secure employment at
their trade. They are the victims of a form of ostracism; blacklisted
as dangerous agitators in every steel and iron mill in the country.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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