Suppose a usurper, after having banished his lawful prince and royal
family, should establish his dominion for ten or a dozen years in any
country, and should preserve such exact discipline in his troops and so
regular a disposition in his garrisons that no insurrection had ever
been raised, or even murmur heard, against his administration, can it
be asserted that the people, who in their hearts abhor his treason,
have tacitly consented to his authority and promised him allegiance
merely because, from necessity, they live under his dominion? Suppose
again their natural prince restored, by means of an army which
he assembles in foreign countries, they receive him with joy and
exultation, and show plainly with what reluctance they had submitted to
any other yoke. I may now ask upon what foundation the prince’s title
stands? Not on popular consent surely; for though the people willingly
acquiesce in his authority, they never imagine that their consent makes
him sovereign. They consent because they apprehend him to be already,
by birth, their lawful sovereign. And as to that tacit consent, which
may now be inferred from their living under his dominion, this is no
more than what they formerly gave to the tyrant and usurper.
When we assert that all lawful government arises from the people,
we certainly do them more honour than they deserve, or even expect
and desire from us. After the Roman dominions became too unwieldy
for the republic to govern, the people over the whole known
world were extremely grateful to Augustus for that authority which,
by violence, he had established over them; and they showed an equal
disposition to submit to the successor whom he left them by his last
will and testament. It was afterwards their misfortune that there never
was in one family any long, regular succession; but that their line
of princes was continually broke, either by private assassination or
public rebellion. The prætorean bands, on the failure of every family,
set up one emperor, the legions in the East a second, those in Germany
perhaps a third; and the sword alone could decide the controversy. The
condition of the people in that mighty monarchy was to be lamented,
not because the choice of the emperor was never left to them, for that
was impracticable, but because they never fell under any succession of
masters, who might regularly follow each other. As to the violence and
wars and bloodshed occasioned by every new settlement, those were not
blameable, because they were inevitable.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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