Japan -- Foreign relations -- Korea; Korea; Korea -- Foreign relations -- Japan
matter under discussion was of interest to all three, he had
come of his own accord to participate in a friendly way in the
proceedings. He thereupon withdrew somewhat less blithely than
he had entered. Count Inouye then repeated what he had said and
gave the Korean plenipotentiaries clearly to understand that
he would not tolerate the repetition of such childish antics,
but would regard them, if again attempted, as reason for the
gravest offence. This warning had its effect; the negotiations
thereafter proceeded expeditiously and the Convention was
signed on the 9th of January. It stipulated an apology; the
payment of an indemnity of 110,000 _yen_ to the relatives of
the murdered and the merchants who had been plundered; the
punishment of the murderers of Captain Isobayashi, military
_attaché_; the furnishing of sites for legation and consulate,
materials for building the same, and 20,000 _yen_ to pay the
cost of construction; the building of barracks for Japanese
troops adjacent to the Legation; and further that the murderers
of Captain Isobayashi should be punished within twenty days
after the convention was signed.
The events of 1882 and 1884 had emphasized what the entire history of
the relations of Japan and Korea had made manifest—namely, that some
distinct understanding with China must be reached if the two neighboring
countries were ever to live together in peace. The task of establishing
such an understanding was assigned to Marquis Ito, and in the spring
of 1885 he proceeded to China as Japan’s special Ambassador. Li Hung
Chang, who was then Viceroy of Chi-li, was the Ambassador appointed by
the Peking Government. The latter appointment was the more significant
because Li was supposed to entertain a profound distrust and dislike of
the Japanese; moreover, Yuan Shi Kai, whose subsequent career has been so
important in the politics of the Far East, and who had been in command of
the Chinese soldiers at the time of their slaughter of the Japanese in
1884, was a _protégé_ of Li’s. In spite of the inherent difficulties, the
broad statesmanship and frankness of the Marquis overcame them; and the
intercourse of these two men, whose personality and policy afterward had
so much to do with the history of their respective countries, resulted
in their becoming friends. The Chinese statesman expressed regret that
he had not met Ito before, since he had now for the first time gained
a correct conception of Japan’s policy; he even went so far as to ask
the Marquis to mention the need of governmental reforms to the Dowager
Empress of China, who became angry at him, her own Viceroy, when he
ventured to refer to the matter before her.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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