Education -- India; India -- Politics and government -- 1857-1919; India -- Social conditions
There is nothing to choose between the records of the two great
political parties at home in their treatment of England's financial and
fiscal relations with India, and English Tariff Reformers have as a rule
shown little more disposition than English Free Traders to study Indian
interests. In fact, until Mr. M. de P. Webb, a member of the Bombay
Legislative Council, published under the title of "India and the Empire"
an able exposition of the Tariff problem in relation to India, very few
Tariff Reformers seemed even to take India into account in their schemes
of Imperial preference. I hope, therefore, to be absolved from all
suspicion of party bias in drawing attention to a question which is, I
believe, destined to play in the near future a most important--perhaps
even a determining--part in the relations of India to the British
Empire.
One of the first things that struck me on my return to India this
year--and struck me most forcibly--was the universality and vehemence of
the demand for a new economic policy directed with energy and system to
the expansion of Indian trade and industry. It is a demand with which
the great majority of Anglo-Indian officials are in full sympathy, and
it is in fact largely the outcome of their own efforts to stimulate
Indian interest in the question. There is very little doubt that the
Government of India would be disposed to respond to it speedily and
heartily on the lines I have already briefly indicated. Will the
Imperial Government and the British democracy lend them a helping hand
or even leave a free hand to them? If not, we shall assuredly find
ourselves confronted with an equally universal and vehement demand for
Protection pure and simple by the erection of an Indian Tariff wall
against the competition of imported manufactures. I need hardly point
out how the rejection of such a demand would be exploited by the
political agitator or how it would rally to the side of active
disaffection some of the most conservative and influential classes in
India. For if, as those Englishmen who claim a monopoly of sympathy with
the people of India are continually preaching, we must be prepared to
sacrifice administrative efficiency to sympathy, how could we shelter
ourselves on an economic issue behind theories of the greater economic
efficiency of Free Trade? If we are to try "to govern India in
accordance with Indian ideas"--a principle with which I humbly but fully
agree--how could we justify the refusal to India, of the fiscal autonomy
for which there is a far more widespread and genuine demand than for
political autonomy?
CHAPTER XXIV.
THE POSITION OF INDIANS IN THE EMPIRE.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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