Introduction to the Literature of Europe in the Fifteenth, Sixteenth, and Seventeenth Centuries, Vol. 1Hallam, Henry
History
Introduction to the Literature of Europe in the Fifteenth, Sixteenth, and Seventeenth Centuries, Vol. 1
Hallam, Henry
Literature, Modern -- History and criticism
[241] The Hodopœricon of Traversari, though not of importance as a
literary work, serves to prove, according to Bayle (Camaldoli, note
D), that the author was an honest man, and that he lived in a very
corrupt age. It is an account of the visitation of some convents
belonging to his order. The life of Ambrogio Traversari has been
written by Mehus very copiously, and with abundant knowledge of the
times: it is a great source of the literary history of Italy. There
is a pretty good account of him in Niceron, vol. xix., and a short
one in Roscoe; but the fullest biography of the man himself will be
found in Meiners, Lebenbeschreibungen berühmter Männer, vol. ii.
pp. 222-307.
[242] Baillet, Jugemens des Savans, ii. 376, &c. Blount, Censura
Auctorum, in nominibus nuncupatis. Hody, sæpies. Niceron, vol. ix.
in Perotti. See also a letter of Erasmus in Jortin’s Life, ii. 425.
Filelfo tells us of a perplexity into which Ambrogio Traversari and
Carlo Marsuppini, perhaps the two principal Greek scholars in Italy
after himself and Guarino, were thrown by this line of Homer:--
Βούλομ᾽ ἐγὼ λαὸν σόον ἔμμεναι, ἢ ἀπόλεσθαι.
[Boulom egô laon soon emmenai, ê apolesthai.]
The first thought it meant populum aut salvum esse aut perire;
which Filelfo justly calls, inepta interpretatio et prava.
Marsuppini said ἢ ἀπόλεσθαι [ê apolesthai] was, aut ipsum perire.
Filelfo, after exulting over them, gives the true meaning.
Philelph. Epist. ad ann. 1440.
Traversari complains much, in one of his letters, of the difficulty
he found in translating Diogenes Laertius, lib. vii. epis. ii.; but
Meiners, though admitting many errors, thinks this one of the best
among the early translations, ii. 290.
|Public encouragement delayed.|
19. They did not uniformly find any great public encouragement in the
early stages of their teaching. On the contrary, Aurispa met with some
opposition to philological literature at Bologna.[243] The civilians and
philosophers were pleased to treat the innovators as men who wanted to
set showy against solid learning. Nor was the state of Italy and of the
papacy, during the long schism, very favourable to their object.
Ginguéné remarks, that patronage was more indispensable in the fifteenth
century than it had been in the last. Dante and Petrarch shone out by a
paramount force of genius, but the men of learning required the
encouragement of power, in order to excite and sustain their industry.
[243] Tiraboschi, vii. 301.
|But fully accorded before 1440.|
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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