The Government’s influence was further weakened through its affection
for Ulster. Though there was repression in the South, repression which
was reluctant, but which grew more and more vigorous as difficulties
increased, the Government had not the moral strength to adopt a
firm attitude to the North. To be found with arms in the South and
to be found with arms in the North was a different matter. Absolute
impartiality throughout the length and breadth of the country and iron
firmness in the beginning might have done much to mend matters; but the
Government proved human, and was unable to belabour a man for loving it.
Again, the Government was hampered by the spell which fell on the
civilian population at the mention of Sinn Fein. The Republican
movement manifested itself as a gigantic and spreading secret
society, and the civilian population was as putty in its hands. It
was illuminating to the outsider to discover with what ease a small
organised, ruthless body of men can overawe and control a vast
disorganised body.
It is time to speak of the type of war waged. The Republicans called
the struggle a war, and used war’s phraseology in connection with it;
but it never assumed the proportions of war. Call it a war and say that
it was one of the most inglorious wars ever fought. Own at the same
time that it is difficult to suggest what other means of aggression
Sinn Fein could have adopted in the face of its military inferiority,
and acknowledge also on behalf of the Crown Forces that there was no
means of striking at the enemy other than by reprisal. Loyalist and
Republican were caught in the web of circumstance. If one judges the
struggle by its outer manifestations, it astonishingly lacks elements
of glory; but if one searches below the surface one finds alike in
Republican and Loyalist the usual qualities bred of war, energy,
courage, fortitude, sacrifice.
That is in the past now, and Ireland is in the hopeful present. Sinn
Fein has left Ireland with her internal affairs in her own hands.
The door of an enlightened and ordered future is here: it is not yet
open; but the key has been given into the hands of Irishmen. Will they
throw it wide open, or will they stay arguing outside? Is there to be
another Kali Yuga, a dark age, because Irishmen have split again? Let
Ireland remember the words of “a certain minister” and stop talking
and get on with the work. She is still drunk with nationality. Let her
work off her intoxication as quickly as she can, keeping nationality’s
choice qualities, a fine inspiration, a noble ideal; but rooting out
the faults of nationality, provincialism, prejudice, narrowness. She
has won her separation; let her not now set about working herself too
much out of the world. To have a world influence, to produce a world
people, she must stay within the world.
PRINTED BY WILLIAM CLOWES AND SONS, LIMITED, LONDON AND BECCLES,
ENGLAND.
FOOTNOTE:
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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