Ireland -- Description and travel; Ireland -- Social conditions
He was the first to realize the odious wrong of an established
Anglican Church in that Catholic country. To him is due the political
and intellectual enfranchisement of the Irish; it was he who gave them
national schools and who put them (by dint of what Titanic struggles!)
on the same electoral footing as the other British subjects. It was he
who promoted, defended, and succeeded in passing all the Land Bills meant
to soften the wretched fate of the Irish serf. Lastly, one must not
forget it, he never hesitated, when he thought it necessary, to claim
laws of repression against agrarian violence. Mr. Gladstone is assuredly
no anarchist. He is neither a madman nor is he in his dotage. Never was
his genius clearer, his word more eloquent. Add to this that this man,
enamoured of power like all those who have passed their life in it, knew
that he was courting a certain fall when he proposed his solution of the
Irish question, and could entertain no doubt of the schism that would
take place in his party on the subject....
And yet his conscience could oppose no resistance to the blinding light
of facts. He clearly saw that palliatives were insufficient, and that
there was an urgent need to take the evil at its root. As a conclusion to
half a century spent in studying the case, and to twenty local attempts
at healing it, after two or three thousand nights spent in the House
of Commons in discussing the question under all its aspects, he comes
forward to say: “_Justice to Ireland!_ we must give back to her what was
taken from her—her inheritance and her freedom!”
Can one suppose for a moment that Mr. Gladstone came to such a conclusion
without the most decisive and powerful motives? Can anyone feel himself
strong enough to hold opinions better founded than his on this matter? We
must congratulate his adversaries on their happy self-confidence; but we
cannot do so on their moral sense or on their modesty.
I.—MR. GLADSTONE’S SCHEME.
Mr. Gladstone’s scheme was framed in two organic Bills. By the first the
British Government undertook to expropriate the landlords, and to redeem
the Irish lands on a basis of twenty times the actual rent, to be paid
in English Consols, at par. These lands would then be sold to the Irish
tenants at a discount of 20 per cent., payable in forty-nine years by
instalments equal to about half the former rent. The second Bill provided
for the local government of Ireland, while it reserved for Great Britain
the general control of the revenue and the right of keeping military
forces in the island. Thanks to a coalition of a fraction of the Liberal
party with the Tories, this programme fell to the ground at the General
Election of 1886, and was set aside by Parliament.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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