Parliament was again prorogued at the end of January 1615, and James, seeing little chance of a supply, was on the point of directing a dissolution. But he changed his mind, and decided to be guided by the proceedings on the money Bill. The Houses met accordingly on April 18, and the subsidy was granted without any difficulty. Vice-Treasurer Ridgeway thought this a half-miracle, the House of Commons 'being compounded of three several nations, besides a fourth, consisting of old English Irelandised (who are not numbered among the mere Irish or new English) and of two several blessed religions (whatsoever more), besides the ignorance of almost all (they being at first more afraid than hurt) concerning the name, nature, and sum of a subsidy.' Contrary to the settled practice of later times the Bill was introduced first in the House of Lords. Winwood's secretary, who sat for Lifford, was allowed precedence in the debate, and was much struck by the readiness of all parties. Many of the Irish assured Blundell that they would willingly have given two subsidies if it had not been for the great loss of cattle during the late severe winter. Nobody knew what the sum raised was likely to amount to, but Ridgeway thought it might reach 30,000_l._ in money and cows. Chichester said it could not be got in coin unless specie were sent from England to pay the officials, who were all in debt; their creditors might then be enabled to meet the tax. Former benevolences and cesses in Ireland had been raised on land only, and there were many exemptions for waste and in favour of influential people. Goods were now included, and taxed at 2_s._ 8_d._ in the pound for natives and 5_s._ 4_d._ for aliens and denizens. The imposition on realty was 4_s._ and 8_s._ English precedent was departed from in so far that the clergy were taxed as well as the laity, but this was changed in Strafford's time. Half the money was to be paid in September 1615, and half in the following March. The preamble of the first Irish subsidy Bill bears evident marks of Davies's hand, setting forth that Ireland had been hitherto only a source of expense to the Crown owing to continual disturbances. 'But forasmuch,' it proceeds, 'as since the beginning of his Majesty's most happy reign all the causes of war, dissension, and discontentment are taken away,' principally by extirpating traitors and placing English and Scotch colonies in Ulster, the King was now 'in full and peaceable possession of his vineyard,' and entitled to expect some income from it. The King's letter of thanks is an echo of this, but it was Carew and not Davies that proved a true prophet when a worse war than Tyrone's broke out in that very Ulster which was supposed to be 'cleared from the thorns and briars of rebellion.'[123] [Sidenote: Proposed legislation, most of which is abandoned,] [Sidenote: against Recusants,] [Sidenote: for a fixed revenue,] [Sidenote: against Tanistry,] [Sidenote: and for many other purposes.]