Ireland -- History; Ireland -- Politics and government; Irish question
Thus an English parliament which had fought for its own liberties
established a hierarchy of tyranny for Ireland: the Anglo-Irish tied
under servitude to England, and the Irish chained under an equal
bondage to the Anglo-Irish. As one of the governors of Ireland wrote a
hundred years later, "I think Great Britain may still easily manage
the Protestants, and the Protestants the Catholics." Such was the
servile position of English planters. They had made their bargain. To
pay the price of wealth and ascendency they sold their own freedom and
the rights of their new country. The smaller number, said Burke, were
placed in power at the expense of the civil liberties and properties
of the far greater, and at the expense of the civil liberties of the
whole.
Ireland was now degraded to a subject colony. The government never
proposed that Englishmen in Ireland should be on equal terms with
English in England. Stringent arrangements were made to keep Ireland
low. The Habeas Corpus Act was suspended while the English parliament
ruled. Judges were removable at pleasure. Precautions were taken
against the growth of "an Irish interest." By a variety of devices the
parliament of English Protestants was debased to a corrupt and ignoble
servitude. So deep was their subjection that Ireland was held in
England to be "no more than a remote part of their dominion, which was
not accustomed to figure on the theatre of politics." Government by
Dublin Castle was directed in the sole interest of England; the
greatest posts in the Castle, the Law, the Church, were given to
Englishmen, "king-fishers," as the nickname went of the churchmen. "I
fear much blame here," said the English premier in 1774, "...if I
consent to part with the disposal of these offices which have been so
long and so uniformly bestowed upon members of the British
parliament." Castle officials were expected to have a single view to
English interests. In speeches from the throne governors of Ireland
formally spoke of the Irish people, the majority of their subjects, as
"the common enemy"; they were scarcely less suspicious of the English
Protestants; "it is worth turning in your mind," one wrote to Pitt,
"how the violence of both parties might be turned on this occasion to
the advancement of England."
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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