Is Tomorrow Hitler's? 200 Questions on the Battle of MankindKnickerbocker, H. R. (Hubert Renfro)
History
Is Tomorrow Hitler's? 200 Questions on the Battle of Mankind
Knickerbocker, H. R. (Hubert Renfro)
Europe -- Politics and government -- 1918-1945; World War, 1939-1945; World War, 1939-1945 -- United States
The Germans had found the ideal sophism with which to gain friends
within the French Army. They realized, of course, that they could
not hope to influence a majority of General Staff officers, but they
knew also that an active minority, so convinced it is right that it
is willing to use any methods to achieve its aims, can arrive at its
objectives at decisive moments by obstructing the course of action
decided upon by the majority. And among the officers whom German
propaganda had reached were many so placed that they could easily block
the complicated intermeshing gears of the army machine at the critical
juncture.
Relationships between the Germans and their friends in France were
maintained even after the beginning of the war through various neutral
countries. Ferdonnet continued to communicate with Mouton and the staff
of _Je Suis Partout_. Michelin, the big automobile tire manufacturer
whose name was whispered all over France as that of one of the men
behind the Cagoulards, sent frequent messengers to Switzerland. Pétain
himself was French Ambassador to Spain, and several members of his
entourage maintained contact with members of the German Embassy in
Madrid. There were even rumors that Pétain had secret meetings with the
German Ambassador, though this was denied. The theme the Germans were
singing to their French friends now was a development of that which
they had dinned into them earlier. It had evolved into this:
“We did not want this war. You yourselves did your utmost to avoid it.
But now that it has come it is a fact which we cannot leave out of
account. Both of us wanted to create a better understanding between our
two countries, to be followed by an alliance. The war now prevents us
from reaching our goal by direct means.
“If you concluded a separate peace with us, we could still become your
allies. We know, of course, that you and your friends, who have the
true interests of your country at heart, and can see into the future
more clearly than the others, would eagerly accept this solution. But
you have not the power to do it; and even if you had, the people who
have been worked up by war propaganda to hate us, would never agree to
it. There is only one case now in which the French people would accept
a separate peace; and that, unfortunately, is if France suffers a
military defeat.
“It must seem monstrous to you even to envisage a French defeat. We
understand that. We sympathize with you. But suppose you knew that
it would not be a real defeat. Suppose we could arrange a simulated
defeat, which would bring the French people to accept the idea of an
armistice whether the English are ready to fight or not?
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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